it-slavery finally prohibited and taxed-first Congress under the Constitution sanctions the ordinance of 1787-how many members of the Convention approved it in different forms of official action-further sanction on the admission of States into the Union-the love of justice in our forefathers-their aim in regard to slavery-simplicity and modesty of Washington-his sense of justice-his address to Congress on assuming the command of the army-his opinion of slavery-the question of abolition waived a higher issue-the concession of our fathers-their aim. 21-37 Manhood of America compared with its infancy-John C. Calhoun-his influence over the South-his policy-his character-his position dangerous to freedom-the Spartans, his model-his demand of the North-his policy while Secretary of State -his letter to Mr. King, Minister to France-extract-the ground of his demand now-war with Mexico-concession of the North, how required-opinion of an able writer of the moral aspect of Mr. Calhoun's position-extract-position of General Cass-his Nicholson letter-extracts-the reasoning of that letter-its object-degeneracy of statesmen-importance of the issue-uprising of the peopleposition of Calhoun and Cass accounted for-the result-the three classes of facts presented our duty-how viewed

CHAPTER III.

37-45

Origin of the terms Hunker and Barnburner-causes of the late division in the party— position of Silas Wright, A. C. Flagg and others the election of James K. Polk, how secured-plot of Mr. Wright's enemies-Mr. Polk's administration-its ingratitude to New York-the course of the Hunker party-determination-fraudulent action of Syracuse Convention-opinion of the press-Herkimer Mass Convention -address by John Van Buren-resolutions-speeches of David Wilmot and John Van Buren

CHAPTER IV.

45-72

Call for Utica Convention of February, 48, to nominate delegates-usages of the partyhistory of the doings of the Syracuse Convention-origin of the Hunker and Barnburner delegation-Utica Convention of February, '48-able address by John Var Buren-resolutions-extract from speech of Geo. Rathbun on Gen. Cass. 72-96

CHAPTER V.

Baltimore Convention-conspiracy defeated-both sets of delegates admitted-vote c New-York annulled-Barnburners retire-address to their constituents-conven tion called to nominate for the Presidency-Convention at Utica, June, '48-Martin Van Buren nominated by acclamation-his able letter-General Jackson's view. his defeat in 1844-resolutions-address by Mr. Butler

CHAPTER VI.

.96-13TM

Buffalo Convention-calls which led to it. First day:-Organization-sublime, spen tacle-speeches-appointment of committee on resolutions of four hundred an sixty-six conferees to select candidates. Second day:-speeches-report of Platform -speeches-report of conferees, of Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams, 88 candidates-account of meeting of conferees-speeches-letter of Mr. Van Bure read-adjournment and procession formed-letter of the committee to Van Buren his frank and able reply-reply of Charles Francis Adams History of free soil question, during the last or 30th Congres Senator Dix-speech of Senator Dix on the Oregon the Compromise bill-speech of Mr. Webster moral questions--connection with the issue-rest Presidential candidates-true position

137-150 character of hes by

nopsis of

CHAPTER I.

LATE FOREIGN EVENTS OUR CONFEDERACY-THE PRESENT CRISIS→→→→ TWO MORAL POINTS INVOLVED-MORAL POINTS, HOW VIEWED.

THE years '46, '7 and '8 have already become memorable in history. Into this period, in rapid succession, have been crowded events of momentous importance to the human race. In our own country, beloved and cherished above all others for her free institutions and her liberty, Congress has passed many organic and important laws for the common welfare. Since the opening of '46, it has ratified no less than twelve treaties with foreign powers. By one, it has settled that long vexed and harassing question of our western boundary beyond the Rocky Mountains; by another, it has established peace and perpetual friendship with a leading nation of the world, and opened to our commerce five most valuable ports of its empire; by others, it has given us reciprocity and equality with nations to which our commerce is rapidly extending, and last, and not least, by another still, it has added a vast territory to our limits, equivalent to 14 of the Empire State, and which more than any or all of these compacts, is to effect the future destiny of our republic. For a distance of nearly 700 miles north and south, and nearly 1000 east and west, from the Rio Grande and the Anahuac mountains on the east, the Gulf of California on the south, and Oregon on the north, it extends our empire to the shores of the Pacific, making 650,000 square miles, and 452 millions of acres. Within this is found the maritime valley of California, more than 500 miles long and 150 broad-the Italy of America in climate and skythe region of the vine and olive, and rich beyond many other parts of the earth for all the grains of our Atlantic coast. As a diamond, on its bosom rests the bay of Francisco, adequate to the navies of the world. But a short pathway will lead its ships to the Eastern Empire. Here the tide of civilization is to extend, and this valley, the broader interior and the banks of the Rio Grande, are by this compact to be peopled with myriads of freemen, or with millions of slaves. In the lines of this issue have fallen many gallant and noble spirits. It has cost treasure and blood,-seventy-five millions and twenty thousand men. These are some of the events which have passed before us fraught with the deepest interests of humanity, and of a magnitude to form an era in our history.'

* The Executive makes and the Senate ratifies treaties.

In the old world, events still more striking, and of profounder issues, have crowded these calenders. The last strongholds of feudalism, as if by the decay of time, have given way; throne after throne has crumbled and fallen; dynasties have been destroyed; orders of nobility have been abolished, and kings and princes have fled in exile for safety, before the sweeping power of revolution. From the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea, and from the English Channel to the Empire of Russia, it has upturned the foundations of society. It has passed over one empire, nine kingdoms, and nearly forty states. On a wide extent of these ruins has arisen the fair form of free republics, and on much of it, if not all, a living, law-abiding liberty. If you pass even hastily over these events, the mind is at all points carried back to remote cause. It sees the contagion of one revolution the occasion, not the cause, of another. The cause has long existed, deep in accumulated wrongs and injuries. The occasion but stirs up these wrongs from their lowest depth, and that sense of injustice, for which God and not man has given the soul a capacity, becomes a moving and resistless force. At every step, we trace the true causes to the mazes of that cabinet policy for which the modern European states system has been distinguished. By this, kings and princes have given to their subjects the form without the life of constitutional liberty, while by a slow and silent process they have drawn around them a cordon of power, through which no force or combination of force, within its limits, could apparently break. But the finger of Providence has here and there moved silently and indirectly in matters trivial to human eyes, yet pointing and directing the while those higher and startling events, which unseen have come suddenly and in their terrible might, to break this power, and to give, for all time to come, the oppressor and oppressed a common level. More than this: in each and all, we have witnessed in the political world the unerring operation of Newton's law of forces in the natural. Every reaction for the rest and peace of liberty has moved forward with a force and rapidity precisely in the ratio of the power which had depressed and enslaved the millions within its sphere. It is the law of all revolutions wherein justice and equal rights are the end. He who created all men equal and of one blood has so ordained it.

These later movements in the cause of freedom in Europe extend back to the English parliament of '46 and '7. For a half a century questions of so much moment had not engaged it. The English Poor Law reaches back to the middle of the 14th century. It is venerable for its antiquity, if not detestable for its ponderous machinery, and as an engine of the most flagrant abuse. It has long been swelling the list of English paupers. It is annually swallowing up not less than five millions sterling. It

had become one of the most perplexing questions in parliamentary legislation. But with famine, decimating suffering and distracted Ireland, with scarcity threatening a like calamity to Scotland, Germany, and France, the extension and revision of this poor law was forced upon parliament at the opening of '46. The corn law had before been the great question of the day. But the starving condition of the nations now made the complete abolition of the corn duty more than ever necessary. This also became one of the great questions which engrossed it. Following this, came a system of national education, forced upon it, by the wants and demands of the people. These were important and grave subjects. They involved some of the highest principles in the bill of rights, of a free people. On these, some of England's greatest minds took bold and high ground for reform. Among these were Peel, Cobden, Bright, and Russel. For a half century parliament had not held so bright a galaxy of civil reformers. They came into the conflict with the firmest reliance on the justice of their cause. Their victory was decisive and important. The corn laws were abolished. In the eye of the world it was the result of a momentary pressure. Its estimate therefore, for good or evil, was less important. But it was not the less a decided advance in the cause of freedom. The contest on all these questions was severe and protracted, yet from the crucible of discussion came out the pure gold. Higher and purer principles were made the basis of legislation. The pulsations of a higher freedom which now beat but a little stronger in one state of the great system, vibrated to the remotest extremity of the body' politic.

The moral effect of the famine was to the same great end. This signal Providence by which two millions of the Irish people were swept in the most fearful manner, into a common and premature grave; this scarcity which in numerous countries pressed so hard on the destitute, gave occasion, both to America and other nations, for one of the brightest examples of benevolence ever recorded in history. It was more than doubly blest. It saved the dying; it quickened the heart of every nation, moved to the deed of mercy. Still more, it begat in the minds of every nation whose ear had heard even the lowest note of their cry, the same heaven-born impulse. It impressed prince and peasant, rich and poor, with the same God-like sentiment, that if upon the wide family of nations there may fall a common calamity, to it also, there must belong an universal brotherhood of right. In all the nations it had not equal force. To some it gave hope; to others faith. But it was this sentiment whatever the causewhether scarcity or famine, or new light breaking in upon the mind and heart of man; it was this, which especially pervaded the masses of the people. When the first blow was struck for

freedom, this sentiment became a mighty impulse, and like electric fire passed into every mind, and what before were dreamy visions, now became joyful reality.

Following the course of this movement, we pass to Italy. On the 1st of November, 1814, a Congress of nations met at the Austrian City of Vienna. There were present the Emperors of Austria and Russia, the Kings of Prussia, Denmark, Bavaria, and Wirtemburg, and the Dukes of the smaller states. Of Ministers, there were Cardinal Gonsalvi, of Rome; Prince Metternich, of Austria; Lord Castlereagh, and Duke of Wellington, of Great Britain; Von Humbolt, and Prince Hardenburg, of Prussia; and of France, Talleyrand and Dalberg. During its sitting, Napoleon reappeared in France. After a session of four and a half months eight of these powers united in a general declaration. On the 25th of March, Austria, Prussia, England, and Russia, had united in a compact, to maintain against him for twenty years the tranquillity and independence of Europe; each to furnish an army of 150,000 men.

Napoleon demanded the Rhine, on the one hand, and the Alps, with all the points of attack, on the other, as the boundary of France; for his step-son the empire of Italy; and that his brothers be indemnified. On the 16th of June following, having crossed the boundary of France with 170,000 men, he fought at Ligny against Blucher. Three days after he met the allied army at Waterloo, under Wellington, where he was cut to pieces, and his star set for ever. With his fall departed the hopes of Italy. In the divisions of the Continent by this Congress, she was given over to the control of Austria.

This league of sovereigns was not alone against Napoleon; it was also a plan for fortifying the monarchies of Europe, and for dividing the people among these powers. Greece, which had been given to the Sultan, first arose in rebellion. Then followed Poland; and now comes Italy. Napoleon had improved her cities-he had given her many free institutions; but from that time she was completely under the ban of tyranny. From the will of the Prince of Austria proceeded all her laws. Few countries have a better position for an independent government. A peninsular, the Gulf of Venice on the east, the Mediterranean on the west, and the Alps on the north,—it has the richest soil on the Continent, the most serene and healthful climate, covering an area of 118,000 square miles, and containing 22 millions of people. It has nine states, or kingdoms, some of which have been the theatre of many of the greatest events of the world. Here was once the birthplace of law, and the source of civilization. Now there was no liberty of speech, or of the press-no freedom of opinion; the assumption of any was punishable by death. The army was composed of the merest mercenaries; the police were