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tinent. In 1840 Crete entered an epoch of insurrections, its predominantly Greek population carrying on a perpetual guerrilla warfare against the Turkish authorities, much as the population of Cuba did against Spain, and for very similar
To bring this period of insurrection to an end, Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy—the four chief powers of the present Entente-intervened in 1898, as the United States, in the same year, intervened in Cuba, and constituted Crete autonomous State, with nominal suzerainty of Turkey, but with no tribute payable to the Sultan. Cuba, liberated in the same year, had been almost two centuries longer under the yoke-from its discovery by Columbus.
Beginning with 1906 the four powers recognized certain interests of the Kingdom of Greece in Crete, and the local gendarmerie was organized under Greek officers. Two years later, in 1908, Crete declared for annexation by Greece, but this claim was not admitted by Turkey until the close of the first Balkan war, in 1912. The treaty of peace between Greece and Turkey, which was signed on Nov. 14, 1913, formally made Crete a part of Greece, and this incorporation was recognized by the four powers. After less than three years the situation is again changed. Crete declares herself once more autonomous, and the four powers announce their recognition of that autonomy.
HEN Sir Edward Grey sent to
neutral Governments on July 7
the text of the “ Maritime Rights Order in Council, 1916,” (printed on Page 792 of August CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE,) he also sent out the following memorandum-—“ Grey's Elegy," the London papers called it-in which the British and French Governments explained their action:
At the beginning of the present war the allied Governments, in their anxiety to regulate their conduct by the principles of ihe law of nations, believed that in the Declaration of London they would find a suitable digest of principles and compendium of working rules. They accordingly decided to adopt the provisions of the Declaration, not as in itself possessing for them the force of law, but because it seemed to present in its main lines a statement of the rights and the duties of belligerents based the experience of previous naval wars. As the present struggle developed, acquiring a range and character beyond all previous conceptions, it became clear that the attempt made at London in ime peace to determine, not only the principles of law, but even the forms under which they were to be applied, had not produced a wholly satisfactory result. AS a matter of fact, these rules, while not in all respects improving the safeguards afforded to neutrals, do not provide belligerents with the most effective means of exercising their admitted rights.
As events progressed, the Germanic powers put forth all their ingenuity to relax the pressure tightening about them and to reopen a channel for supplies; their de
rices comprised innocent neutral commerce and involved it in suspicions of enemy agency. Moreover, the manifold developments of naval and military science, the invention of new engines of war, the concentration by the Germanic powers of the whole body of their resources on military ends, produced conditions altogether different from those prevailing in previous naval wars.
The rules laid down in the Declaration of London could not stand the strain imposed by the test of rapidly changing conditions and tendencies which could not have been foreseen.
The allied Governments were forced to recognize the situation thus created, and to adapt the rules of the Declaration from time to time to meet these changing conditions.
These successive modifications may, perhaps, have exposed the purpose of the Allies to misconstruction; they have therefore come to the conclusion that they must confine themselves simply to applying the historic and admitted rules of the law of nations.
The Allies solemnly and unreservedly declare that the action of their warships, no less than the judgments of their prize courts, will continue to conform to these principles ; that they will faithfully fulfill their engagements, and in particular will observe the terms of all international conventions rekarding the laws of war; that, mindful of the dictates of humanity, they repudiate utterly all thought of threatening the lives of roncombatants; that they will not without cause interfere with neutral property; and that if they should, by the action of their fleets, cause damage to the interests of any merchant acting in good faith, they will always be ready to consider his claims and to grant him such redress as may be due.
By H. G. Wells
U back the few little things I had
The Noted Novelist This remarkable letter is from Mr. Wells's latest novel, “ Mr. Britling Sees It Through," (the Macmillan Company,) which is regarded by many critics as his masterpiece. Mr. Britling, an English father who has lost his son in the war, is addressing the German parents of his son's former tutor, of whose death he has just learned. The letter is assumed to represent the mature views of Mr. Wells and of an influential group of English intellectuals.
EAR SIR: I am writing this letter me, and he, too, has been killed in this to you to tell you I am sending
They are, you see, smiling very
pleasantly at each other. kept for your son at his request If you think that these two boys have when the war broke out. Especially I both perished, not in some noble cause am sending his violin,
but one against the which he had asked
other in a struggle of me thrice to convey to
dynasties and boundyou. Either it is a
aries and trade routes gift from you or it
and tyrannous symbolized many
cendencies, then it things for him that
seems to me that you he connected with
must feel as I feel home and you. I will
that this war is the have it packed with
most tragic and particular care, and I
dreadful thing that will do all in my
has ever happened to power to insure its
mankind. safe arrival.
If you count dead I want to tell you
and wounds this is that all the stress
the most dreadful and passion of this
war in history; for war have not made us
you as for me, it has forget our friend,
been almost the exyour son. He was one
tremity of personal of us, he had our af
tragedy. fection, he had friends
Black sorrow. here who are still his
But is it the most friends. We found
H. G. WELLS
dreadful war? him honorable and
I do not think it is. companionable, and we share something I can write to you and tell you that I of your loss. I have got together for you do indeed believe that our two a few snapshots I chance to possess in have died not altogether in vain. Our which you will see him in the sunshine, pain and anguish may not be wasted and which will enable you, perhaps, to —may be necessary. Indeed, they may picture a little more definitely than you be necessary. Here am I bereaved and would otherwise do the life he led here. wretched—and I hope. Never was the There is one particularly that I have fabric of war so black; that I admit. marked. Our family is lunching out of But never was the black fabric of war so doors, and you will see that next to your threadbare. At a thousand points the son is a youngster, a year or so his light is shining through. junior, who is touching glasses with him. War is a curtain of dense black fabric I have put a cross over his head. He
across all the hopes and kindliness of is my eldest son; he was very dear to mankind. Yet always it has let through
some gleams of light, and now-I am not been so slowly and so laboriously built dreaming—it grows threadbare, and here up, is altogether destroyed ? and there and at a thousand points the When I sat down to write to you I had light is breaking through. We owe it to
meant only to write to you of your son all these dear youths.
and mine. But I feel that what can be Our boys have died, fighting one said in particular of our loss need not be against the other. They have been fight said; it can be understood without saying upon an issue so obscure that your ing. What needs to be said and written German press is still busy discussing about is this, that war must be put an what it was. For us it was that Belgium end to and that nobody else but you and was invaded and France in danger of me and all of us can do it. We have to destruction. Nothing else could have do that for the love of our sons and our brought the English into the field against race and all that is human. War is no you. But why you invaded Belgium and longer human; the chemist and the France and whether that might have metallurgist have changed all that. My been averted we do not know to this day. boy was shot through the eye; his brain And still this war goes on and still more was blown to pieces by some man who boys die, and these men who do not fight, never knew what he had done. Think these men in the newspaper offices and what that means!
It is plain in the Ministries plan campaigns and to me, surely it is plain to you and all strokes and counterstrokes that belong the world, that war is now a mere putting to no conceivable plan at all. Except that of the torch to explosives that flare out now for them there is something more to universal ruin. There is nothing for terrible than war. And that is the day one sane man to write to another about of reckoning with their own people. in these days but the salvation of man
What have we been fighting for? kind from war. What are we fighting for? Do you know? Now, I want you to be patient with Does any one know? Why am I spend me and hear me out. There was a time ing what is left of my substance and you in the earlier part of this war when it what is left of yours to keep on this war was hard to be patient because there against each other? What have we to hung over us the dread of losses and gain from hurting one another still disaster. Now we need dread no longer. further? Why should we be puppets The dreaded thing has happened. Sitany longer in the hands of crowned fools
ting together as we do in spirit beside and witless diplomatists? Even if we the mangled bodies of our dead, surely were dumb and acquiescent before, does
we can be as patient as the hills. not the blood of our sons now cry out
I'want to tell you quite plainly and to us that this foolery should cease? We
simply that I think that Germany, which have let these people send our sons to
is chief and central in this war, is most death.
to blame for this war. Writing to you It is you and I who must stop these
as an Englishman to a German and with wars, these massacres of boys.
war still being waged, there must be Massacres of boys! That indeed is the no mistake between us upon this point. I essence of modern war. The killing off
am persuaded that in the decade that of the young. It is the destruction of the
ended with your overthrow of France in human inheritance, it is the spending
1871 Germany turned her face toward of all the life and material of the future
evil, and that her refusal to treat France upon present-day hate and greed. Fools
generously and to make friends with any and knaves, politicians, tricksters, and
other great power in the world is the those who trade on the suspicions and essential cause of this war. Germany thoughtless, generous angers of men, triumphed—and she trampled on the make wars; the indolence and modesty loser. She inflicted intolerable indigniof the mass of men permit them. Are ties. She set herself to prepare for furyou and I to suffer such things until the ther aggressions; long before this killing whole fabric of our civilization, that has began she was making war upon land and
sea, launching warships, building strategic railways, setting up a vast establishment of material, threatening, straining all the world to keep pace with her threats. * * At last there was no choice before any European nation but submission to the German will, or war. And it was no will to which righteous men could possibly submit. It came as an illiberal and ungracious will. It was the will of Zabern. It is not as if you had set yourselves to be an imperial people and embrace and unify the world. You did not want to unify the world. You wanted to set the foot of an intensely national Germany, a sentimental and illiberal Germany, a Germany that treasured the portraits of your ridiculous Kaiser and his litter of sons, a Germany wearing uniform, reading black letter, and despising every Kultur but her own, upon the neck of a divided and humiliated mankind. It was an intolerable prospect. I had rather the whole world died.
Forgive me for writing "you." You are as little responsible for that Germany as I am for—Sir Edward Grey. But this happened over you; you did not do your utmost to prevent it—even as England has happened, and I have let it happen over me.
When I bring these charges against Germany I have little disposition to claim any righteousness for Britain. There has been small splendor in this war for either Germany or Britain or Russia; we three have chanced to be the biggest of the combatants, but the glory lies with invincible France. It is France and Belgium and Serbia who shine as the heroic lands. They have fought defensively, and beyond all expectation, for dear land and freedom. This war for them has been a war of simple, definite issues, to which they have risen with an entire nobility. Englishman and German alike may well envy them that simplicity. I look to you, as an honest man schooled by the fierce lessons of this war, to meet me in my passionate desire to see France, Belgium, and Serbia emerge restored from all this blood and struggle, enlarged to the limits of their nationality, vindicated and secure. Russia I will not write about here, let me go on at once to tell you
about my own country; remarking only that between England and Russia there are endless parallelisms. We have similar complexities, kindred difficulties. We have, for instance, an imported dynasty, we have a soul-destroying State Church which cramps and poisons the education of our ruling class, we have a people out of touch with a secretive Government, and the same traditional contempt for science. We have our Irelands and Polands. Even our Kings bear a curious likeness.
Politically the British Empire is a clumsy collection of strange accidents. It is a thing as little to be proud of as the outline of a flint or the shape of a potato. For the mass of English people India and Egypt and all that side of our system mean less than nothing; our trade is something they do not understand, our imperial wealth something they do not share. Britain has been a group of four democracies caught in the net of a vast yet casual imperialism; the common man here is in a state of political perplexity from the cradle to the grave. None the less there is a great people here even as there is a great people in Russia, a people with a soul and character of its own, a people of unconquerable kindliness and with a peculiar genius, which still struggle toward will and expression. We have been beginning that same great experiment that France and America and Switzerland and China are making—the experiment of democracy. It is the newest form of human association, and we are still but half awake to its needs and necessary conditions. For it is idle to pretend that the little city democracies of ancient times were comparable to the great essays in practical republicanism that mankind is making today. This age of the democratic republics that dawn is a new age. It has not yet lasted for a century, not for a paltry hundred years. All things
weak things; a rat can kill a man-child with ease; the greater the destiny, the weaker the immediate self-protection may be. And to me it seems that your complete and perfect imperialism, ruled by Germans for Germans, is in its scope and outlook a more antiquated and smaller
the accomplishment of Germany into the fires of war.
Your boy, as no doubt you know, dreamed constantly of such a world peace as this that I foreshadow; he was more generous than his country. He could envisage war and hostility only as misunderstanding. He thought that a world that could explain itself clearly would surely be at peace. He was scheming always therefore for the perfection and propagation of Esperanto or Ido, or some such universal link. My youngster, too, was full of a kindred and yet larger dream, the dream of human science, which knows neither King nor country
and less noble thing than these sprawling cmergent giant democracies of the West that struggle so confusedly against it.
But that we do struggle confusedly, with pitiful leaders and infinite waste and endless delay; that it is to our indisciplines and to the dishonesties and tricks our incompleteness provokes, that the prolongation of this war is to be ascribed, I readily admit. At the outbreak of this war I had hoped to see militarism felled within a year.
I do not think you Germans realize how steadily you were conquering the world before this war began. Had you given half the energy and intelligence you have spent upon this war to the peaceful conquest of men's minds and spirits, I believe that you would have taken the leadership of the world tranquilly-no man disputing. Your science was five years, your social and economic organization was a quarter of a century in front of ours.
Never has it so lain in the power of a great people to lead and direct mankind toward the world republic and universal peace. It needed but a certain generosity of the imagination.
But your Junkers, your Imperial Court, your foolish vicious Princes; what were such dreams to them?
With an envious satisfaction they hurled all
These boys, these hopes, this war has killed.
Let us make ourselves watchers and guardians of the order of the world.
If only for love of our dead.
Let us pledge ourselves to service. Let us set ourselves with all our minds and all our hearts to the perfecting and working out of the methods of democracy and the ending forever of the Kings and Emperors and priesterafts and the bands of adventurers, the traders and owners and forestallers who have betrayed mankind into this morass of hate and blood -in which our sons are lost-in which we flounder still.
Paying the Price for Citizenship
Eden Phillpotts, the English novelist, voices the present British war spirit in the closing passage of his latest book, “ The Green Alleys," in these words:
That's why I ask for conscription, to help the young men see they can't have anything for nothing.
To be content to be an Englishman and take the privilege as a matter of course: What an insult to your mother! It is something to look around the world and be English today. And it will be something bigger still a year hence. Too big a thing, indeed, to take for nothing -surely a thing to strengthen a man's mind with reverence and quicken his heart with pride.
Everybody's up against it today, from God on his throne to the smallest girl-child sewing buttons on a soldier's coat. We're recasting the whole world in the crucible of this war, and if it's the Almighty's master-work to see that the new-born earth shall roll sweeter and wiser through His heaven afterward, it's ours, to the least of us, to help stoke the furnace fires and purge the dross from the melting pot.