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tains no separate national element, as in Canada and South Africa, nor has it ever received any influx of discontented emigrants from the British Isles, as has Australia. In New Zealand, which was almost exclusively colonized by Englishmen and Scotsmen, the mother country is deeply revered and loved without question.
This is due not merely to the character of the colonists and their children, who have been bred in the tradition of loyalty. There is also a geographical reason. New Zealand is a small country and a lonely one. It consists of a couple of islands, with an area about the same as that of the State of Colorado, that is, a little over 100,000 square miles. Even Australia is four days distant across the Tasman Sea, while it is a voyage of nearly three weeks to the North American Continent. Thus the New Zealand people, at once the most loyal of Britishers and the most isolated, feel that their safety depends upon the strength of the empire, above all on the strength of the predominant partner, Great Britain. If, for example, Germany were victorious and British power waned in the Pacific, what would be the fate of New Zealand? Visions of conquest and occupation by Germans or Japanese or some other aggressive people haunt the minds of New Zealanders, intensify their devotion to the cause of the mother country, and impel them to the sacrifice they are making of their manhood on the slaughter grounds of Europe.
There are other important circumstances which explain New Zealand's militarism. The working class, as we have seen, has lost the advantageous position it held so long in politics. Now, the reason it was ever able to enjoy any influence at all was that during the progressive period the workers were not organized as a separate political force, but formed part of the Liberal Party, the leaders of which were courageous and enlightened men, and which drew an equally large share of its strength from the small farmers. New Zealand is of no importance as a manufacturing country. The wealth it produces consists mainly of foodstuffs and raw materials, and its industrial establishments are for the most
part connected with sheep raising, agriculture, and mining. Agrarian interests are easily the most important.
Originally the issue was between the small farmers and workmen who wishe: to become farmers, on the one side, and the great land monopolists on the other. The so-called semi-socialistic legislatio:1 of New Zealand has been the result of a pact between the workers and the small farmers, with a decided balance in favor of the latter. The great hindrance to economic development was the holding of land in large estates, and the policy of Ballance and Seddon was to break them up into small farms. And so New Zealand radicals borrowed the single-tax idea of the American economist, Henry George, and adapted it to their purposes. A graduated tax was imposed on land values and the Government was given power to secure large estates by compulsory purchase, subdivide them, and resell to small farmers on the easiest of installment terms. The small farmers received further aid from a Governmert system of rural credits; the railways were completely nationalized, and the State, through the Department of Agriculture and other channels, directed its energies to the creation of a prosperous peasantry. And it has succeeded; but as this new class has grown more comfortable it has lost sympathy with the humane social philosophy to which it owed much in the beginning.
The workers also secured benefits under the régime of the progressive lead
A democratic franchise, including votes for women, old-age pensions, assistance to widowed mothers, and whole series of excellent laws for the protection and safety of workpeople were enacted. Labor unions were placed on a firm basis under the law, and State activity extended in many directions. Most noteworthy of all experiments in labor legislation was the establishment of a system of compulsory arbitration in disputes between employers and workers. That system has been the subject of much controversy. It has not altogether prevented strikes, for there has been at least one very serious revolt against it. On the other hand, it is claimed that
had there been no such system strikes of a century an object lesson to the would have been more numerous and whole world in progressive politics, has more disastrous, and there seems no returned to the fold of conservatism and doubt that it did bring about a general is ruled by men who are ready to sacririse in real wages in a peaceful manner, fice everything for the sake of British thus increasing the spending powers of the working class and thereby contrib It is therefore not surprising that New uting to the prosperity of the country. Zealand has in the most thorough manner Compared with other countries, New copied the militarist methods of the Zealand has good results to show in its mother country. In addition to enacting social conditions. Its health statistics a compulsory service law, the Governplace it ahead of any other country in ment has adopted repressive measthe world, and in other respects the show ures against the minority, which is ing is just as good.
described as “anti-war," and it has also But the class which gained most from recently passed an act to extend the the progressive régime has been duration of the present Parliament for a doubtedly that of the small farmers, year beyond the term for which it was who, while they have grown in wealth elected. This last measure seems to and political influence, have lost a good indicate some sort of belief that the deal of their enthusiasm for radicalism newly organized Labor Party might proand are actually now opposed to their vide a vigorous opposition to the Conold allies of the working class. Thus servative-Liberal fusion Government, and has come about a change in political to attempts by that Government, on the parties of quite recent date.
plea of imperial safety, to annul ideas The workers, finding that they could which are the foundation of New Zeanot depend upon the Liberals, no longer land's progressive democracy. led by a genuine man of the people like It is in the light of such a setback to Seddon, have at last organized as social progress that we see the devastatseparate political party to safeguard ing results of this war. In all the belligtheir own interests. The movement, be erent countries the war is destroying gun in 1912, was not established on a almost every peaceful, humanizing activsolid basis until June of this year, when
ity, intellectual as well as political, at a joint conference of the United besides exacting its frightful toll of Federation of Labor, the Social Demo
human life. It seems incredibly stupid cratic Party, and the Labor Representa
that the hideous folly of European statestion Committee of New Zealand it was men should reach right across the world decided to found the New Zealand Labor and lay wanton hands on a country from Party with a definitely socialistic ob which we were all learning something jective. This party has not yet had an of the new science of curing the ills that opportunity of making itself felt in afflict modern society, for had not New Parliament, and so there is no effective Zealand earned the title of the social opposition to the capitalistic combination laboratory” of the world? Alas! the under Massey and Ward.
“ social laboratory” is now closed and The rise of a Labor Party on one side
the staff have turned preachers of the and the fusion of Liberals and Con gospel of hatred. servatives on the other are indications [The Australian Parliament recently passed that the realignment of parties is now
a bill for a national referendum on conscrip
tion, to be taken on Oct. 28, thus leaving complete. Thus it has come to pass that
the question to the decision of the people. New Zealand, for more than a quarter EDITOR. )
Atrocities in Armenia
Most appalling of all the documents of the world war is the record of Turkey's wholesale massacres of the Christian men, women, and children of Armenia, as revealed in a detailed report prepared by Lord Bryce, the former British Ambassador to the United States, which fills a volume of 600 pages. Lord Bryce's material, much of which was furnished by American and other neutral workers in Armenia, is edited by Arnold J. Toynbee, late Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. The volume contains 150 documents, all the authentic evidence obtainable up to July, 1916, as to the massacres and deportations of Armenians and other Christians dwelling in Asia Minor and the north western corner of Persia invaded by Turkish troops. All the evidence goes to show the deliberate purpose of the Turkish authorities to exterminate the Armenian Nation, the most colossal crime, says Lord Bryce, in the history of the world. CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE herewith presents the more striking portions of the report.
Lord Bryce prefaces his volume with tions were carried out under general the following analysis of the evidence: orders proceeding from Constantinople,
HIS compilation has been made in the fact that persons who knew only what
the spirit proper to a historical was happening in one locality record cirinquiry; that is to say, nothing
cumstances there broadly resembling has been omitted which could
those which occurred in another locality throw light on the facts, whatever the goes to show the general correctness of political bearing of the accounts might
both sets of accounts. be. In such an inquiry no racial or re
4. The volume of this concurrent eviligious sympathies, no prejudices, not dence from different quarters is so large even the natural horror raised by crimes, as to establish the main facts beyond all ought to distract the mind of the inquirer question. Errors of detail in some infrom the duty of trying to ascertain the stances may be allowed for. Exaggeration real facts.
may, in the case of native witnesses, who Let us, however, look at the evidence were more likely to be excited, be also, itself.
now and then, allowed for. But the gen1. Nearly all of it comes from eye eral character of the events stands out, witnesses, some of whom wrote it down resting on foundations too broad to be themselves, while others gave it to per shaken, and even details comparatively sons who wrote it out at the time from unimportant in themselves are often retheir statements, given to them orally. markably corroborated from different Nearly all of it, moreover, was written quarters. immediately after the events described, 5. In particular it is to be noted that when the witnesses' recollection was still many of the most shocking and horrible fresh and clear.
accounts are those for which there is the 2. The main facts rest upon the evi most abundant testimony from the most dence coming from different and inde trustworthy neutral witnesses. None pendent sources. When the same fact is of the worst cruelties rests on native evistated by witnesses who had no com
dence alone. If all that class of evidence munication with one another, and in were entirely struck out the general efmany cases did not even speak the same
fect would be much the same, though language, the presumption in favor of some of the minor details would be wantits truth becomes strong.
ing. One may, indeed, say that an ex3. Facts of the same or of a very amination of the neutral evidence tends similar nature occurring in different to confirm the native evidence as a whole places are deposed to by different and by showing that there is in it less of independent witnesses. As there is every exaggeration than might have been exreason to believe—and indeed it is hardly pected. denied—that the massacres and deporta 6. The vast scale of these massacres