principally owned and worked by Germans, but many other industries of the country were under similar control. Rumania's public indebtedness is principally to Germany, and there were German banks at Bucharest and other cities and towns. Many hotels had German managers, with Teutonic staffs; in fact, Germany had much the same position in Rumania that she had secured in Russia and Italy. But it cannot be said that the Teuton elements of the population were esteemed or popular, and the disesteem in which they were held was due largely to their arrogant airs toward the local population. German agents boasted in the cafés and public places of what would happen when Germany had won the war, as she was certain to do, and they were disposed to threaten. This minatory tone was adopted by the German press in discussing the hold-up of grain purchases in Rumania.

For some weeks early in the present year German papers and magazines published and commented on the alleged orientation of the Rumanian Government toward military intervention on the side of the Quadruple Entente, and these papers were freely circulated in Bucharest. Sensational telegrams were given a place in the leading journals of Berlin,

Cologne, Munich, and other cities, stating as an accomplished fact the dispatch by Germany and Austria of an ultimatum to Rumania. The news was only published to be contradicted the next day, but obviously it was intended to have an alarmist effect at Bucharest. It was modified to the extent of saying that the position was very grave, and that the Cabinet of Bucharest was on the eve of a decisive declaration.

Bratiano's Attitude

But the Prime Minister, Joan Bratiano, was not to be drawn. He remained calm and sphinx-like, professing no desire beyond that of keeping his country out of the war. Nevertheless the tone of hostility and menace on the part of the semi-official German press was maintained, and, as the "Correspondant" said, was evidently intended to intimidate the country. For instance, the Frankfurter Zeitung of Sunday, Jan. 30, contained a long telegram upon the attitude of Rumania. It was really a criticism, veiled but hostile, of "the kind of neutrality which finds favor in Rumania-a neutrality which delays decision up to the point when events render the decision more easy and also as little dangerous as possible." The article

concluded in these terms: "It is not necessary to theorize in order to understand what will be the decision of Rumania if the French and English in the South East and the Russians in the immediate neighborhood of Rumania realize some sort of a decisive success. Up to the present they have not achieved such success, and, to speak modestly, it is extremely improbable that they will do so."

All of which goes to show that Germany was counting on certain contingencies and that she was willing, if possible, to bully Rumania into following her fortunes. But Bratiano is not the sort of man to be bullied, and the King maintained then, as later, a strictly constitutional attitude, and did nothing to influence, or at any rate to circumvent, his Ministers.

German Press Threatens

One may also take note of the remarks of the Berliner Tageblatt with regard to the non-delivery of the wheat shipment referred to. "Rumania," it said, "has sold to the two Central Empires 50,000 carloads, or 500,000 tons, of wheat. But she has rendered the transport of these cereals extremely difficult, not to say impossible, since she has, on the other hand, sold 80,000 carloads, or 800,000 tons, to England. All the available Rumanian cars have been loaded with grain for that country. It is true that they have not been dispatched, that they cannot get out of Rumania, but the immediate consequence of this last sale is that there are no cars for the transport of grain into Germany."

The same paper, after having allowed it to be understood that the sale of grain to England might well be fictitious, and entered into merely in order to prevent Germany from receiving what she had bought, went on to speak on the military situation as follows: "While not actually ordering mobilization, the Rumanian Government maintains under arms four-fifths of the army. The greater part of these troops and of heavy artillery are concentrated to the south along the Rumanian-Bulgarian frontier, and on the north on the AustroHungarian border, while the troops on

the Bessarabian (Russian) frontier have not received any reinforcement. The position merits on the part of the Central Powers the most serious attention, for the Quadruple Entente declares that it will have Greece and Rumania on its side at the moment of the great offensive which is preparing on all fronts. It would thus be as well for the two empires to oblige Rumania to change its attitude. They have the means." Whether or not they had the means, they did not succeed in frightening Rumania or compelling her to change her attitude.

Rumania Collects Guns

While Rumania stated that she intended to maintain neutrality unless compelled to defend herself from aggession, she was receiving substantial war supplies from Russia, Germany, and other countries; in fact in the matter of purchasing arms and ammunition she maintained strict neutrality. Austria, Japan, Great Britain, and other countries all helped to swell her stocks of big and little guns. Before the war and in its early stages she had received large quantities of Krupp guns and Mannlicher rifles from Germany; also payment from Germany later for wheat and other supplies in guns and shells, a fact which has greatly annoyed the press of that country, which now talks about perfidy. Germany, having taken the initiative in showing that she considers all fair in war, is scarcely in a position to reproach Rumania or any other country with that sin.

But, while Russia, Japan, and Germany were thus filling Rumanian arsenals, she herself was busily occupied in manufacturing munitions, until her army was able to enter the field in a state of thorough equipment. The fact indeed is clear that Rumania, like Italy, came into the war when she was ready to do so, and it may be added she came in on the signal of that country, the gesture being Italy's formal declaration of war against Germany.

Looking back at things as I saw them in Bucharest, there was almost ostentatious esteem manifested for the French, Italians, and Russians in of

ficial and political circles. As for the Court, the Queen's sympathies were openly pro-ally, quite as much as the Queen of Greece's sympathies were proGerman. Moreover, it was said that Queen Marie had at least as much influence over her husband as Queen Sophia has over hers. Her parentage would account for her sympathies, and she is proud of the fact that she is the daughter of an English Prince and a Russian Princess of the house of Romanoff. This beautiful and brilliant woman received with marked favor Russian and British officers and envoys as well as representatives of other allies of the Entente who on occasions attended her Court. On the other hand, her intercourse with German and Austrian representatives was formal, and her attitude toward them correct but cool.

A Visit to Queen Marie The day after my arrival at Bucharest I paid my respects at the royal palace, a Romanesque and handsome building. Together with a Court official, who had accompanied me from my hotel, I was ushered into a lofty and handsome

salon, in which were a few fine portraits, including a characteristic oilpainting of the late Carmen Sylva in national costume, and another of her husband, King Carol, in uniform. We were told that her Majesty would be with us shortly, and I do not exaggerate when I say that a little later I found myself in the presence of one of the handsomest and most queenly women in Europe.

It is not polite to talk about a lady's age, even if it be recorded in the Almanach de Gotha. Suffice it that although her Majesty has several children, including a grown-up son who is a keen and capable officer in the army, she looks a young woman, and is radiantly beautiful. Above middle height, of superb figure and carriage, with regular but mobile features and glorious eyes, she is "every inch a Queen," and it was easy to realize that she is, as I had often heard, the most popular woman in Rumania, more beloved even than was Carmen Sylva herself. She referred to the objects of my visit, and asked me what institutions I had seen or intended to visit, what opinions I had formed

with respect to the army medical and Red Cross establishments, and how they compared with others I had seen elsewhere.

A Fortunate Remark

The Queen seemed pleased when I said that the Russian sanitary department and Red Cross establishments were among the best in Europe. I described to her the wonderful hospital trains given by the Czar, Czarina, and other members of the Russian royal house, and added that so far from Russia having anything to learn from other European countries, in certain respects she could give them points. I had not realized when I spoke that the Queen is half Russian herself, her mother being the daughter of the Czar Nicholas I. But her gratification at my remarks was manifest, and I was subsequently enlightened as to the reason.

Questioning me as to the general health of the various armies of the Entente, she paid a high tribute to English nursing, and said she had secured a few English nurses for hospitals in which she was interested, and wished she could get more, while she would be glad if American nurses and doctors would also turn their attention to Rumania. The tone of her Majesty's conversation suggested that she knew that before long Rumanian hospitals would be needed for wounded men; indeed, there was little reserve in her references to the possibilities of the future. Apart from an occasional thoughtfulness in tone, the Queen's vivacity was remarkable, and she seemed to radiate high spirits. Though far from lacking in dignity, her manners and speech occasionally bordered on the unconventional. Her English was colloquial, with barely a trace of foreign accent.

"You are to see the King, of course?" she asked. I replied that I should have that honor if his Majesty would deign to see me. "But, of course," replied the Queen, "what are you here for if not to see the King?" To this I did not venture a reply. An attendant appeared at some signal and received an order from the Queen in a low tone. "The King

will be here very soon," she said, and went on with the conversation.

View of King Ferdinand

Shortly afterward his Majesty appeared, and received me graciously. Rather tall, slender, and erect, with aquiline aristocratic features, pointed beard and mustache, thick hair worn à la brosse, and turning to gray, he looks soldierly and kingly, which not all Kings succeed in doing. He, too, spoke English, but more slowly than his consort, his remarks being carefully prepared in his mind before he spoke them. Like the Queen, he was interested in sanitary questions affecting the army, and gave me details which showed that he regarded such matters scientifically. The Queen repeated to him what I had said about Russia, and his Majesty paid a tribute to the organizing ability of Prince Alexander of Oldenburg, head of the Russian Sanitary Department of the Army, and added questions with respect to Russian medical administration.

His Majesty struck me as a grave and courteous gentleman, with a definite viewpoint of his own. I subsequently learned from the official who accompanied me that the King is a man of firmness and force of character. He fully recognizes the position and responsibilities of a constitutional monarch, whose first duty is to safeguard the interests and advance the national aspirations of the people, in accordance with the advice of their representatives. He has been heard to say: "I am a Rumanian first and all the time. I am no longer a German Prince. I have many near and dear German relations and friends, but I have no German ties or entanglements. Those who refer to me as a Hohenzollern Prince might as well call me a Bourbon or Hapsburg Prince. I am neither one nor the other. I am a Rumanian and King of Rumania."

Rumanian Preparedness

When the crucial moment came for him to decide he maintained his constitutional attitude, summoned his Council of Ministers, and acted as they advised; and, the die being cast for war, he at once went to the front and assumed

command of his army, of which he is officially Inspector General. At its full strength, including all reserves, it totals over 800,000 men, and it is well drilled and well armed. For a long time past more than half the army has been on frontier and garrison service, and in strict and constant training, with plenty of field duty. As the German papers stated, they have been stationed on certain frontiers and outposts, and when war was declared were ready, to the last cartridge and button.

The soldiers may not be veterans, in the sense that the Serbs and Bulgars are, but they are well set up and well drilled, the cavalry arm being particularly fine, scarcely second to the Cossacks. To a man, they all receive preliminary training between the ages of 19 and 21, while the full period of service is twenty-five years, covering seven years in the regular army, twelve in the reserve, and six in the militia. The fact that they will fight side by side with Russian troops, which will pass through Rumania to the southern border in order to face Bulgaria, has led to the Rumanian Government adopting the same restrictions with respect to strong liquor which were decreed by the Czar at the outset of the war. The Rumanian peasant or soldier is not such a drunkard as was the mushik, but enforced abstinence will be all to his advantage.

Peasants Are Prosperous

It has been

Since the war began there have been erroneous statements with respect to Rumania which call for correction by the submission of facts. said, for instance, that the country suffers as the result of its land laws. Few agricultural countries have escaped this aspersion, and few deserve it less than Rumania. Certainly the revolt of 1888 was agrarian, and was fomented by Moldavian peasants, who, on visiting the capital, were disappointed at not receiving a promised allotment of land. But the peasantry as a whole are a

prosperous and contented lot, and the productiveness of the soil and the good tillage are proved by the heavy crops of wheat and maize. Rumania is also a large dairying and egg-producing country. Her total grain exports amount to about $200,000,000 annually.

There are large agricultural syndicates or co-operative societies all over the country, having for their object the purchase of machinery by installments, also implements and seed, as well as the marketing of the members' produce in order to avoid the intervention and profit of the middleman. Besides that great trade waterway, the Danube, Rumania has about 2,500 miles of railway, which tap the agricultural districts, touch all the strategic points, and radiate to the frontiers.

The Jewish Question

Something remains to be said about the Jewish question in Rumania, as that also seems liable to be misunderstood and magnified. Rumania's difficulty, or it might be said the difficulty of the Jews, is not as great as it is in Russia. But they are deprived of many elementary rights of citizenship which must be extended after the war, if the inclusion in Rumanian territory of Transylvania and Bukowina is to be justified. In the latter countries the Jews possess rights and privileges which are not accorded to the Jews of Rumania and Russia. The fact that the Russian authorities are commencing to give the Jewish question consideration is hopeful, and when the final terms of peace come in for consideration the matter will have to be dealt with in its entirety. Civilization and justice will be content with nothing short of extending the same rights to the Jews of Russia and the Balkans as those which are enjoyed by them in the United States and Great Britain, and which are not withheld from them by the Central Powers. On the whole the entry of Rumania into the war augurs well rather than ill for the Jews of that country.