THO

HOSE who lived in the time of Jesus Christ had no idea of how the history of humanity was to be affected by the coming of Christianity. During the barbaric invasions nobody took into account what transformations they involved. Nobody knew that therefrom might result the death of civilization for a thousand years. If people had realized the meaning of these things they would have made better defense against them. At the time of the French Revolution people had no idea of the tremendous consequences it was to bring, of the far distance they would reach. Today, gentlemen, I think we are confronted, not with an ordinary war which will simply involve a certain changing of frontiers, with things after that very much as they were before. We are faced by a catastrophe involving the whole of the human race; we have before our eyes the declining twilight of one world, preceding the dawn of another and a new.

And note, gentlemen, how grave is the problem with which humanity is faced today! You see Italy, instead of accepting a gratuitous increase of territory, throwing herself of her own free will into the horrors of war. And it is not alone the people of Europe who are throbbing with excitement today. Have you never asked yourselves what these new nations are doing in the great conflict-the young republics founded by the AngloSaxons across the ocean? Why is it that we see Canada, Australia, New Zealand enrolling from 7 to 8 per cent. of their populations as volunteers for the front? Is it for love of the motherland?

Sentiment does not move humanity to such a degree as that. How is it the conscience of the United States of America has become uneasy? Out of love for England? Nothing of the sort, gentle

men. To attack Great Britain has always been recognized as a safe and popular note by orators in the United States; it is known as "twisting the British lion's tail." Why, then, is it disturbed, this democracy of a hundred million souls, engaged in making the most glorious experiment imaginable; the creation of a civilization without prejudices, with no class distinctions, with no monarchy, no militarism, no hindrance of any sort-a civilization based solely on the nationalist sovereignty carried to its extremest limits?

This entire movement can have but one explanation, namely, that we are confronted with a transformation of the human race, a transformation which expresses itself in the form of a general massacre. It is a struggle between two worlds, and we shall see which of the two shall succeed in obtaining the mastery. Were it otherwise this war would not be possible, and it would not be waged with the fury that distinguishes it from all others.

Gentlemen, the truth is that in this war, which was most certainly provoked by the Germans, we see the last attempt made by a single people to secure for itself a universal hegemony.

If the German soldier were to win today the first result would be that the same military force, which is the greatest in the world, would also be the greatest naval force, and there would be no more independence, no more liberty for any one in the world, not even for the great American democracy. If ever the day should come when one and the same State had domination not only on land but also on sea-the day on which the Roman Empire should be reconstituted in conformity with the affirmation once made by the Emperor William that the

time, would come when all men would be happy to call themselves German, just as formerly one exclaimed joyously, "Civis Romanus sum," then the free life of each one of us would be at an end.

Well, and what is the basis of this attempt that is being made? Is it founded on some higher state of civilization? Is it justified by a superiority of such a nature that it should have the right to dominate the whole world, with the rest of us content to run behind the conqueror in his triumphal car?

Is there a single hypothesis among all the hypotheses forming the basis and the poetry of science; is there one of all the discoveries which have contributed to the progress-the material progress of modern life; is there one among all the ideas that have roused the world to enthusiasm; is there one of all the creations of art which would be lost if we were to remove Germany's contribution? No, gentlemen, the treasure possessed by the human race would remain intact, a little reduced, to be sure, but in no wise diminished in quality. It would remain as it was before. What is there in the assets of Germany to set against the extraordinary productions of our neo-Latin civilization? One thing alone there is that is characteristic in Germanic culture, and that is its political organization, which to us is a puzzle.

How is it possible to reconcile an ultramodern economic organization with a political organization dating from the Middle Ages? How reconcile a teaching so generalized, a material well-being so highly developed, with a political system which enables one man to declare, "My will is the highest law," or, "I owe my power not to the assent of the German people, but solely to the Divine mission with which I have been intrusted on earth "?

Such are the characteristics of German civilization, of the far-famed Kultur. And, gentlemen, that springs, unhappily, from the manner in which the unity of Germany has been formed.

If this German unity had sprung from the Liberal movement of 1848 a great new nation would have been added to the existing Liberal nations of Europe.

But German unification is the product of Prussian "caporalism," with regard to which a very intelligent Teuton holding a high position remarked to me five or six months ago: "You are right, all you say is true; there is nothing more antipathetic than Prussian 'caporalism,' but it is invincible, and we are forced to accept it just as we accept the Deluge or the locust, just as we accept, in fact, all the ills that Fate may send us."

But, gentlemen, that is not the fact. While M. Diamandy was speaking of the battle of the Marne some one replied that it was just an engagement like any other. To which I retort: It was not a battle, it was a historic moment, it was the proof that even the brute force of "caporalism," in a State in which one man can proclaim that the highest law is his own will, may be vanquished by the armies of a democratic republic wherein abuse of liberty was mistaken by fools for moral decline and loss of virtue.

And if such is the meaning of the war now raging, how can it be supposed that it can end with the customary peace, the sort of peace in which so many goldlaced, decorated plenipotentiaries will discuss a lot of nothings around a green cloth? Can one imagine that it will end like a duel with button-tipped foils, in which the swordsman hit exclaims, "Touche!" and after shaking hands and putting the weapons in their case the two adversaries go off and drink to each other's health!

No, gentlemen, today it is a war of nations rather than a war of armies; the conscience of all the races is awakened; this war must and will go on until one of the two sides shall have been crushed in such a manner that the victor shall be able to impose his rule upon the vanquished. No other peace will be acceptable to the nations.

If Germany is victorious her rule will be the rule of the mailed fist, the reign of a single people chosen by God; if the others win-and they will-the law they will impose will be the law of justice, in order that the whole world may enjoy the benefits of civilization.

Such is the problem. But you will ask me: "What! Is Germany to disap

rear?" Who can imagine any such thing? It is Austria that might and should vanish away.

Austria ought to have disappeared long ago. When she has vanished from sight a general sigh of relief will be heard; every one will be glad that at last she has paid the price of centuries of wickedness, for you may search the pages of her history through and through and you shall not find that she has done good to any one of any sort, while many and many have been the sufferers from her treachery and her brutality. What would I not give to any one who should point out to me a single good action ever done by this monarchy ?

And things being as they are, gentlemen, can you doubt on which side victory will rest? I forget who it was said just

now that it was childish to introduce the idea of morality into international politics.

How slight must be his acquaintance with the philosophy of history. Individuals, like peoples, pay the price of the offenses they commit against morality. In the one case punishment follows immediately, in the other case it is delayed,

but there would be no order in the universe, life would be without value were it not that we have the conviction of the existence of a moral law above us.

And if, gentlemen, the problem is as I see it, if the events through which we are passing are as I have attempted to describe them, how can one talk of neutrality? Is there a single State throughout the world which will not be affected, which will not be transformed by the results of this war? No, gentlemen, there is not one. But note this difference: There are some States which will suffer from the consequences of the war without power to have their say, because they let their sword rust in its scabbard; others there are which, while suffering no less severely from the effects of the conflict, will at least have a hearing; their utterance will either be that of the conqueror, who decides, or that of the vanquished, who, having done his duty, may rightly claim the respect of the victor.

Jonescu's Later Comment

In the light of the foregoing speech, the following statement by Take Jonescu after Rumania had declared war is of added interest:

Rumania's entry into the war is simply the outcome of the entire history of the Rumanian people. A Latin colony established astride the Carpathians between the Black Sea and the Tisza, the Magyar invasion had separated us into two. In spite of centuries of political separation, the intellectual life of all Rumanians has been one and the same, and in every epoch the national aspiration in the two sides of the Carpathians has been for union and a single independent State.

Never before this war has the principle of nationality, the corollary of national sovereignty-that is to say, the right of every people to live according to its own genius-been declared as the foundation of political right in Europe. This principle was first declared by immortal France, but it has been English statesmen of this present epoch who have given it its definite consecration. So, too, are the British people for this principle. Yet more than any conquest do they value being champions of right and liberty. I know no greater good fortune than to be able to assist in the realization of this national ideal while serving at the same time the cause of civilization and permanent future peace. Such is the case of the Rumanian people at this moment.

For two years I never ceased maintaining that if Rumania had nothing to claim for herself she owed it to her own feeling of dignity and honor to draw the sword on the side of the crusaders for the right. The creation of a great Rumania, which will convert us into a State of 14,000,0000 inhabitants, is not only a Rumanian but a European interest. We must put Germany into such a position that she will find it materially impossible to start again that tragedy of armaments à outrance which fatally led to this monstrous war.

We must put between Germany and the Orient, which she covets, States sufficiently strong and representing mili

tary worth sufficiently great to be able to resist all intrigues and sufficiently distant from the German spirit to be by the nature of things soldiers of civilization against German stupidity. Magna Rumania will fulfill these three conditions. With our amazing racial fecundity, we shall have in forty years between Tisza and the Black Sea a State of 25,000,000 inhabitants, and for France, England, Russia, and Italy this will be some recompense for their enormous sacrifices.

The whole nation has received the declaration of war with a satisfaction that is marked with the greatest dignity. Nothing could prove better how necessary and inevitable war was. Our armies have seized all the passes of the Carpathians with extraordinary rapidity, yet that has turned nobody's head, for the Latins of the Danube have a sense of measure and self-command.

You will read in the official com

muniqués of the fighting on the Dobrudja frontier. There, too, we are defending a cause that is not only our own, but also that of the Allies, and I might say of Europe. In order that the Turk shall be driven from Europe it is necessary, first of all, to subdue Bulgaria, or rather her rulers, who are the real cause of Bulgaria's madness. In my belief it is the duty of Europe not to repeat the mistakes of last Autumn, but to bring to bear upon the Balkan front sufficient forces to solve the Bulgarian problem. In any case, in dealing with a primitive people like the Bulgarians, a display of force is the first requirement.

As for the ultimate victory of the Allies, that has been as clear to me as sunlight for a long time past. Today, more than ever, the possibility of our common victory is definitely guaranteed, not only by our military superiority, but also and in especial degree by our moral strength.

R

UMANIA'S reasons for entering the great conflict on the side of the Entente powers were stated in her declaration of war on AustriaHungary, issued on Aug. 28. Following is the text of that document, which took the form of a note handed to Count Czernin, the Austro-Hungarian Minister to Rumania, at the close of the historic meeting of the Crown Council in Bucharest, where the die was cast for war:

The alliance concluded between Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, according to the statements of those Governments, had only a conservative and defensive character. Its principal object was to guarantee the allied countries against attack from the outside and to consolidate the state of affairs created by previous treaties. It was in accordance with these pacific tendencies that Rumania joined this alliance.

Devoted to the development of her internal affairs and faithful to her resolution to remain as an element of order and equilibrium on the lower Danube, Rumania never has ceased in her devotion to the maintenance of peace in the Balkans. The last Balkan wars, by destroying the status quo, imposed upon her a new line of conduct, but her

intervention gave peace and re-established the equilibrium.

For herself she was satisfied with the rectification of her borders which gave her the greatest security against aggression and repaired certain injustices of the Congress of Berlin, but in pursuit of this aim Rumania was disappointed by the failure of the Vienna Cabinet to take the attitude Rumania was entitled to expect.

When the present war broke out Rumania, like Italy, declined to associate herself with the declaration of war by Austria-Hungary, of which she had not been notified by the Vienna Cabinet.

In the Spring of 1915 Italy declared war against Austria-Hungary. The Triple Alliance no longer existed and the reasons which determined Rumania's adherence to this political system disappeared.

Rumania remained in the peace group of States, seeking to work in agreement in order to assure peace and to conserve the 'situation de facto and de jure created by treaties. Rumania then found herself in the presence of powers making war for the sole purpose of transforming from top to bottom the old arrangements which had served as a basis for their treaty of alliance. These changes were for Rumania proof that the object she pursued in joining the Triple Alliance no longer could be attained and

that she must direct her efforts in new paths, especially as the work undertaken by AustriaHungary threatened the interests of Rumania and her national aspirations. Consequently Rumania resumed her liberty of action.

The neutrality which Rumania imposed upon herself in consequence of a declaration of war made independently of her will, and contrary to her interests, had been adopted as the results of the assurances that AustriaHungary, in declaring war against Serbia, was not inspired by a spirit of conquest or of territorial gains. These assurances have not been realized.

Today we are confronted by a situation de facto threatening great territorial transformations and political changes of a nature constituting a grave menace to the future of Rumania. The work of peace which Rumania attempted to accomplish, in a spirit of faithfulness to the Triple Alliance, thus was rendered barren by the very powers called upon to defend it.

In adhering in 1883 to the group of Central Powers, Rumania was far from forgetting the bonds of blood constituting between them a pledge for her domestic tranquillity, as well as for the improvement of the lot of the Rumanians of Austria-Hungary. In fact, Germany and Italy, who reconstituted their States on the basic principle of nationality, could not but recognize the legitimacy of the foundation upon which their own existence reposed.

As for Austria-Hungary, she found in the

friendly relations established between her and Rumania assurances of tranquillity both in her interior and on our common frontiers, for she was bound to know to what extent the discontent of her Rumanian population found echo among us, threatening our good relations.

For a period of thirty years the Rumanians of Austria-Hungary not only never saw a reform introduced, but, instead, were treated as an inferior race and condemned to suffer the oppression of a foreign element which constitutes only a minority amid the diverse nationalities constituting the Austro-Hungarian States.

All the injustices our brothers thus were made to suffer maintained between our country and the monarchy a continual state of animosity. At the outbreak of the war Austria-Hungary made no effort to ameliorate these conditions. After two years of the war Austria-Hungary showed herself as prompt to sacrifice her peoples as powerless to defend them. The war in which almost the whole of Europe is partaking raises the gravest problems affecting the national development and very existence of the States.

Rumania, from a desire to hasten the end of the conflict and to safeguard her racial interests, sees herself forced to enter into line by the side of those who are able to assure her realization of her national unity. For these reasons Rumania considers herself, from this moment, in a state of war with Austria-Hungary.

R

King Ferdinand issued the following proclamation to his people on Aug. 28: UMANIANS! The war which for the last two years has been encircling our frontiers more and more closely has shaken the ancient foundations of Europe to their depths.

It has brought the day which has been awaited for centuries by the national conscience, by the founders of the Rumanian State, by those who united the principalities in the war of independence, by those responsible for the national renaissance. It is the day of the union of all branches of our nation. Today we are able to complete the task of our forefathers and to establish forever that which Michael the Great was

only able to establish for a moment, namely, a Rumanian union on both slopes of the Carpathians.

For us the mountains and plains of Bukowina, where Stephen the Great has slept for centuries. In our moral energy and our valor lie the means of giving him back his birthright of a great and free Rumania from the Tisza to the Black Sea, and to prosper in peace in accordance with our customs and our hopes a dreams.

Rumanians! Animated by the holy duty imposed upon us, and determined to bear manfully all the sacrifices inseparable from an arduous war, we will march into battle with the irresistible élan of a people firmly confident in its