of Greece. In fact, there is no country which, like Greece, has had to suffer from this war, while at the same time remaining a stranger to it. Through circumstances exceptionally tragic, she has less than other neutral countries been able to escape a direct and pernicious effect from the hostilities between the belligerents. Her geographical position contributed toward diminishing her power of resistance against violations of her neutrality and sovereignty, which she has been forced to submit to in the interest of self-preservation. The Royal Government would certainly have made all haste to accede to the noble demand of the President of the United States of America, to help with all means in its power until success were achieved, if it were not entirely out of communication with one of the two belligerents, while toward the other it must await the solution of difficulties which seriously weigh upon the situation in Greece. But the Royal Government is following with all the intensity of its soul the precious effort of the President of the United States of America, hoping to see it completed at the earliest possible moment. China Favors Peace League The Chinese Government, in a note sent through the American Minister at Peking on Jan. 11, indicated its readiness to cooperate after the war in a league to insure peace. The note was written by the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs and is addressed to the American Minister. The text follows: I have examined, with the care which the gravity of the questions raised demands, the note concerning peace which President Wilson has addressed to the Governments of the Allies and the Central Powers now at war, and the text of which your Excellency has been good enough to transmit to me under instructions of your Government. China, a nation traditionally pacific, has recently again manifested her sentiments in concluding treaties concerning the pacific settlement of international disputes, respond PRE In manifesting her sympathy for the spirit of the President's note, having in view the ending as soon as possible of the hostilities, China is but acting in conformity with not only her interest but also with her profound sentiments. Persia Eager for Peace Medhi Kahn, the Persian Minister at Washington, presented the following note to Secretary Lansing on Jan. 15: His Imperial Majesty's Government has instructed me to communicate to your Excellency that it experienced the utmost pleasure upon receipt of the President's note of Dec. 18, 1916, regarding peace terms transmitted through the United States plenipotentiary at Teheran, and to express to you the hope that a step so benevolent and humane will meet with the success it deserves. I am further instructed to say that, notwithstanding we declared ourselves neutral, a large part of our country has been disturbed and devastated by the fighting of the belligerents within our boundaries. In view of this fact you cannot doubt that we heartily welcome and indorse the move the President has made. Furthermore, inasmuch as his Majesty's Government understands from the President's note that he desires the preservation of the integrity and freedom of the powers and the weaker nations, and in view of the firm friendship which has always existed between our two countries, it ardently hopes that the Government of the United States will assist our oppressed nation to maintain its integrity and rights, not only for the present, but whenever a peace conference shall take place. "Peace Founded on the Rock of Vindicated Justice" Lloyd George's Guildhall Address, Jan. 11, 1917 REMIER LLOYD GEORGE delivered an important address at the Guildhall, London, Jan. 11, appealing primarily for subscriptions to the new war loan, but also touching largely upon questions in the peace discussion. The speech was punctuated throughout with cheers and applause, indicating how aptly it expressed the opinions of the auditors. The full text, as sent to THE NEW YORK TIMES by special cable, is as follows: My Lord Mayor, my Lords, Ladies, and Gentlemen: The Chancellor of the Exchequer [Bonar Law] in his extremely lucid and impressive speech has placed before you the business side of this proposal, and I think you will agree with me, after hearing his explanation of his scheme, that he has offered for subscription a loan which possesses all the essential ingredients of an attractive investment. They are the most generous terms that the Government can offer without injury to the taxpayer. I agree that the Chancellor was right in offering such liberal terms because it is important that we should secure a big loan now, not merely in order to enable us to finance the war effectively, but as a demonstration of the continued resolve of this country to prosecute the war; and it is upon that aspect of the question that I should like to say a few words. The German Kaiser a few days ago sent a message to his people that the Allies had rejected his peace offers. He did so in order to drug those whom he could no longer dragoon. Where are those offers? We have asked for them; we have never seen them. We were not offered terms; we were offered a trap baited with fair words. They tempted us We once, but the lion has his eyes open. have rejected no terms that we have ever seen. Of course, it would suit them to have peace at the present moment on their terms. We all want peace; but when we get it it must be a real peace. War Better Than Prussian Peace The allied powers separately and in council together have come to the same conclusion. Knowing well what war means, knowing especially what this war means in suffering, in burdens, in horrors, they have still decided that even war is better than peace at the Prussian price of domination over Europe. We made it clear in our reply to Germany; we made it still clearer in our reply to the United States. Before we attempt to rebuild the Temple of Peace we must see now that the foundations are solid. They were built before upon the shifting sands of Prussian faith; henceforth, when the time for rebuilding comes, it must be on the rock of vindicated justice. I have just returned from a council of war of the four great allied countries upon whose shoulders most of this terrible war falls. I cannot give you its conclusions; they might be information to the enemy. There were no delusions as to the magnitude of our task; neither were there any doubts about the results. I think I can say what was the feeling of every man there. It was one of the most businesslike conferences I ever attended. We faced the whole situation, probed it thoroughly, and looked its difficulties in the face, and made arrangements to deal with them. separated feeling more confident than ever. All felt that if victory were difficult, defeat was impossible. There was no flinching, no We wavering, no faint-heartedness, no infirmity of purpose. Challenge to Free Nations There was a grim resolution at all costs that we must achieve the high aim with which we accepted the challenge of the Prussian military caste and rid Europe and the world forever of her menace. No country could have refused the challenge without the loss of honor. None could have rejected it without impairing national security. No one would have failed to take it up without forfeiting something which is of greater value to every free and self-respecting people than life itself. Those nations did not enter into the war lightly. They did not embark upon this enterprise without knowing what it really meant. They were not enticed by the prospects of immediate victory. Take this country. The millions of our men who enlisted in the army enlisted after the German victories of August, 1914, when they knew the accumulated and concentrated power of the German military machine. That was when they placed their lives at the disposal of their country. What about the other lands? They knew what they were encountering; that they were fighting an organization which had been perfected for generations by the best brains of Prussia-perfected with one purpose, the subjugation of Europe. Why did they do it? I passed through hundreds of miles of the beautiful land of France and of Italy, and as I did so I asked myself this question: Why did the peasants leave by myriads these sunny vineyards and cornfields in France? Why did they quit these enchanting valleys, with their comfort, their security, their charm, in order to face the grim and wild horrors of the battlefield? They did it for one purpose, and one purpose only. They were not driven to the slaughter by Kings. These are great democratic countries. No Government would have lasted twenty-four hours that had forced them into an abhorrent war against their own free will. They embarked upon it because they knew the fundamental issue had been raised which no country could shirk without imperiling all that has been won in the centuries of the past and all that remains to be won in the ages of the future. That is why, as the war proceeds and the German purpose becomes more manifest, the conviction is becoming deeper in the minds of those people that they must work their .way through to victory in order to save EuThat rope from an unspeakable despotism, was the spirit that animated the allied conference in Europe last week. Allies' Increasing Trust in Britain But I tell you one thing that struck me, and strikes me more and more each time I attend these conferences and visit the Continent: The increasing extent to which the allied peoThey are ples are looking to Great Britain. trusting her rugged strength and great resources more and more. She is to them like a great tower in the deep. She is becoming more and more the hope of the oppressed and despair of the oppressor; and I feel more and more confident that we shall not fail the people who put their trust in us. But when that arrogant Prussian caste flung the signature of Britain in the treaty in the waste paper basket as if it were of no account, they knew not the pride of the land they were treating with such insolent disdain. They know it now. Our soldiers and our sailors have taught them to respect it. You had an eloquent account from my colleague, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, of the achievements of our soldiers; our sailors are gallantly defending the honor of the country on the high seas. They have strangled the enemy's commerce; they will continue to do so in spite of all the piratical devices of the foe. Predicts Victory in 1917 In 1914 and 1915, for two years, a small, illequipped army held up the veterans of Prussia, with the best equipment in Europe; in 1916 hurling them back and delivering a blow from which they are reeling. In 1917 the armies of Britain will be more formidable than ever in training, in efficiency, in equipment; and you may depend upon it, if you give them the necessary support, they will cleave a road to victory through the dangers and perils of the next few months. But we must support them; they are worth it. Have you ever talked to a soldier who has come back from the front? There is not one of them who will not tell you how he is encouraged and sustained by hearing the roar of the guns behind him. I will tell you what I want to do. I want to see checks hurtling through the air, fired from the City of London; fired from every city, town, and village and hamlet throughout the land; fired straight into the intrenchments of the enemy. They have helped to win the war, and without them we could not have done it; but I want to make special appeal, or rather to enforce the special appeal of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Fervid Appeal for Self-Denial Let no money be squandered in luxury and indulgence which can be put into the fight and which counts-every penny of it; every ounce has counted in this struggle. Do not waste it, do not throw it away; put it there to help the valor of our brave young boys. Back them up! Let every one contribute to assist them, with greater pride in it than in costly garments. It will become them; they will feel prouder of it today, and their pride will increase in the years to come, when the best garment they have got will have rotted, when the glisten and glitter of it will improve with the years. They can put it on in old age and say: "This is something I contributed in the great war," and they will be proud of it. Men and women of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland! The first charge upon all your surplus money, over your needs for yourselves and your children, should be to help those gallant young men who tendered their lives to the cause of humanity. The more we get the surer the victory; the more we get the shorter the war; the more we get the less it will cost in treasure, and the greatest treasure of all is brave blood. The more we give the more you will be enriched by your contribution, by your sacrifices of extravagance. I want to bring this home to every man and woman. This extravagance during the war has cost blood-valiant blood, the blood of heroes. It will be worth millions to save one of them-the big loan will save myriads of them. Help them not merely to win; help them to come home, to shout for the victory which they have won. It means better equipment for our troops, it means better equipment for the allies as well; and this I say for the fiftieth, if not the hundredth, time: this is a war of equipment. It That is why we are appealing for your assistance. Most of us could not do more, but what we can do it is our duty, it is our pride, to do. Every well-directed check, well loaded, properly primed, is a more formidable weapon of destruction than a twelve-inch shell. clears a path to the barbed-wire entanglements for our gallant fellows to march through. A big loan helps you, insures victory; a big loan will help shorten the war; it will help save lives; it will help save the British Empire; it will help save Europe; it will help save civilization. That is why we want the country to rise to this occasion and show that the old spirit of Britain, represented by those great men [pointing to the monuments in the hall] you have here, is still alive, alert, and as potent as ever. I want to appeal to the men at home-yes, and to the women. I want to appeal to both; they have done their part nobly in this war. A man who has been a Munitions Minister for twelve months must feel a debt of gratitude to the women for what they have done. I said it was a war of equipment. Why are the Germans pressing back our gallant allies in Rumania? It is not that they are better fighters; they certainly are not. The Rumanian peasant has proved himself to be one of the doughtiest fighters in the field when he has the chance-he never had much -and as for the Russian, the way in which, with bared breast, he has fought for two years and a half, with inferior guns, insufficient rifles, inadequate supplies of ammunition, is one of the tales of heroism of the world. Helping to Equip the Fighters Let us help to equip them, and there will be another story to tell soon; but it is for us to do so, and that is why I am glad to follow the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the appeal he has made to the patriotism of our race-but with true Scottish instinct he put the appeal to prudence first. He had a good foundation for patriotism, and reserved that for his peroration. I am going to reverse the order, belonging to a less canny race. I want to say it is a good investment, after all; the Old Country is the best investment in the world. It was a sound concern before the war; it will be sounder and safer than ever after the war, and especially safer. I do not know the nation that will care to touch it after this war. They had forgotten what we were like in those days, and it will take them a long time to forget these. It will be a safer investment than ever, and a sounder one. Have you been watching what is going on? Before the war we had a good many shortcomings in our business, our commerce, our industry. The war is settling them all right in the most marvelous way. You ask a great business man like my friend, Lord Pirrie, what is going on in those great factories throughout Great Britain and Ireland. Olà machinery is scrapped; the newest, the best, and the latest is set up; slipshod and wasteful methods are scrapped, and hampering customs discontinued. Millions are brought into the labor market to help to produce who were before purely consumers. I do not know what the national debt will be at the end of this war, but I will make a prediction: Whatever it is, what is added in real assets to the real riches of the nation will be infinitely greater than any debt we ever acquire. The resources of the nation in every direction have been developed and directed; the nation itself disciplined, braced up, quickened, has become a more alert people. We have thrown off the useless tissues; we are a nation that has been taking exercise. We are a different people. I will tell you another thing: the Prussian menace was a running mortgage which detracted from the value of our national security. Nobody knew what it meant. We know too well now. You could not tell whether it meant millions or hundreds of millions or thousands of millions, or how many of them. You could not tell that it would not mean ruin. That mortgage will be cleared off foreverbetter security on a better foundation, safer security, and at a better rate of interest. The world will then be able, when this war is over, to attend to its business in peace. There will be no war or rumors of war to disturb and to distract. We, can build up, we can reconstruct, we can till, we can cultivate and enrich, and the burden and terror and wasteof war will have gone. Predicts a League of Peace The peace and security for peace will be that the nations will band themselves to gether to punish the first peacebreaker who comes out. As to the armies of Europe, every weapon will be a sword of justice in the Government of men; every arm will be a constabulary of peace. There were men who had hoped to see this achieved in the way of peace. We were disappointed. It was ordained that you should not reach that golden era except along the path which was paved with gold-yea, and cemented with valiant blood. There are millions who have given of the latter who are ready-nay, millions more ready, myriads more ready-for the sacrifice, if the country needs it. Let It is for us to contribute the former. no man no woman, in this crisis of the nation's fate, through indolence, greed, avarice, or selfishness, fail. If they are doing their part, then, when the time comes for the triumphal march through the darkness and terror of the night into the bright dawn of the morning of the new age, they will each feel that they have done their share. PAUL DESCHANEL'S ADDRESS Paul Deschanel, in addressing the French Chamber of Deputies on Jan. 11, after his re-election as President of that body, said: The first articles of our program remain the deliverance of Belgium and the restitution of Alsace-Lorraine. This is the only program that can recompense us for our sacrifices and assure to our children a durable peace worthy of France and the republic. Speaking of the work of Parliament, M. Deschanel took occasion to reply to certain criticisms, saying: In the most critical moments it was you who established the program for the production of armaments and munitions, after which you made every effort to diminish the delays in providing the army with what was most urgently demanded. Some reproach you with interfering too much in diplomatic and military affairs, but if there were failures they would seek to make you responsible, since it is you who have supervision. It is desired to shorten the war, but when you propose measures for a greater activity of effort which would abridge it, your initiatives are criticised. In apparent allusion to the request of the Government for authority to issue decrees, in anticipation of legislation, on urgent questions, M. Deschanel said: Since the war is prolonged, it is our duty to adapt our methods and accelerate our procedure. To maintain order and discipline in our debates also is a form of patriotism, but to that end it is not necessary to throw our institutions into confusion. It will be to the eternal honor of our country to have faced the greatest upheaval of all the ages without changing our laws. By Charles H. Grasty Of The New York Times Staff Cabling from London on Jan. 11, Mr. Grasty sent the following vivid description of the Premier as he appeared during the delivery of his address: HIS is neither a character sketch of TH the Prime Minister nor a report of the big meeting held at the beautiful and historic Guildhall; it is a series of rough impressions made on an American and here given in chronological rather than logical order from notes jotted down as these impressions were produced during the progress of the meeting. The hall was packed with a representative gathering of London business men. I tried to compare them with a similar body in New York. They were less animated than a New York body, but there was no doubt of their solidity. The Lord Mayor came in with several Sheriffs, the big gold mace borne before them, escorting the Prime Minister. Mr. Lloyd George took his welcome very quietly, showing but a trace of response as he stood at the rail of the platform. The crowd sang "For He's a Jolly Good Fellow," but the song limped and the performance was more spiritless than the same thing would have been in New York. Then Mr. Lloyd George sat down next to his little daughter, a pinkcheeked girl, who had come with Mrs. Lloyd George a few minutes before. The wife of the Prime Minister wore a black hat, with a plume and a gold buckle, and a velveteen wrap, trimmed with fur, and a collar of muskrat. She had a dark silk frock and white gloves with black stripes. She is a large, wholesome-looking, motherly woman. When the Prime Minister took his seat he surveyed the crowd and twirled his watch chain, after first putting his right ankle on his left knee, in which position he maintained it during about twenty minutes of Mr. Bonar Law's speech. From time to time he took his gold pincenez into the hand that was not busy with the watch chain. After looking straight out on to his audience for a while, his eye sought the vaulted ceiling of the Guildhall. I could observe that he was not studying Gothic architecture, but was further preparing himself for the speech he was to make later. Reformer with Sense of Humor Some men have hands larger than their feet, and some men have it the other way round. Lloyd George's foot is small, and he seemed to take considerable pains about his boots. His hands are large and strong. He wore a standing collar with wings upon which his double chin rested comfortably. He is much cleaner-cut than his pictures represent him. He would seem to have a greater degree of health and less spiritual quality than I had supposed. His eyes look brown or black, but the man next to me said they were in fact dark blue. One expects large eyes in such a man, but the Prime Minister's seemed smallish. He has a very merry twinkle in them, and that is one of his most marked characteristics. You feel that here is a reformer, but one who does not take himself too deadly seriously. He is not so terribly in earnest as to fall over his own feet. I should say that he had taken to himself the wisdom of Plato's counsel: "The best is frequently the enemy of the good.” To leave the Prime Minister for just one instant: I was surprised at how differently Bonar Law looked from below. Heretofore I have examined him from the gallery in the House of Commons, and he seemed to me a short man. Today I observed that he was tallish and spare, and more like the man I had visualized from his photograph. His manner of speaking was a study to me, because his is an oratory absolutely different from anything we have in the United States. He has spirit, but absolutely no warmth. He uses emphasis with miserly |