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plenipotentiary at London) and demanded a larger share in Macedonia. This Serbia declined to give, but offered to refer the controverted subject to the Czar, in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of the league. Ferdinand indicated his readiness to accept the Serbian offer, provided the Czar would announce or make known in advance the nature of his decision, which was manifestly an unfair and inadmissible attitude. Whereupon Ferdinand took a trip to Vienna in the month of June, 1913, and entered into a treaty with Austria, which treaty provided that Bulgaria would attack Serbia and that in the event of the defeat of Bulgaria, Austria would come to her rescue.

Bulgaria treacherously attacked Serbia and Greece and received deserved severe punishment at the hands of her betrayed partners of yesterday, while simultaneously Rumania threatened Sofia Bulgaria acknowledged defeat, but Austria was restrained by Germany from entering the Balkan controversy. Consequently, Bulgaria submitted to the treaty of Bucharest, under which her total gain in territory was reduced to

5,000 square miles, whereas Greece acquired 18,700 and Serbia 16,000.

From the foregoing it would appear that Bulgaria has only herself to blame for her unenviable moral and material position, and that Serbia has not been guilty of any bad faith, such as is alleged by the Bulgarian diplomat. The Bulgarian claim of title to Macedonia does not derive its sanction and force from any of the untenable and hypothetical grounds, and considerations urged by the Bulgarian diplomat, nor is it founded on any unfulfilled agreement or treaty. As a matter of expediency and fairness, in all probability, Bulgaria should have been given a part of the Serbian Macedonia, because, while Serbia has potential opportunity for expansion northward, Bulgaria can have elbow room only in Macedonia and in Thrace. But in view of the perfidy of Bulgaria, which caused the destruction of a substantial portion of the manhood and womanhood of Serbia, and which prolonged the world war probably by one year, it is difficult to see how Bulgaria can justly expect now to receive any compensation in Macedonia at the expense of Serbia.

A Romantic War Story

The çollowing story of a lost baby Prince is vouched for by a Petrograd correspondent:

Prince Cyril Gedroic is an officer in the Austrian Army, and joined his regiment in August, 1914, leaving his wife and baby at his castle near Brody. During the first great Austrian retreat the Princess fled, and in the general confusion her baby was left behind and lost. A Russian officer found the infant alone in a ditch some miles from Brody. He picked it up and sent it to Russia to be cared for. No one knew the infant was a Prince and heir to huge estates, but Baroness Natalie Ostroff adopted it and took it to her home at Tiflis, in the Caucasus.

Recently the story of the foundling was published in a Russian illustrated paper, with a photo of the child. A Russian prisoner taken by Prince Gedroic's regiment happened to have in his pocket a copy of the particular issue and, by chance, Prince Gedroic was the officer who examined this prisoner. Glancing casually over the paper, the Prince recognized his lost baby.

Diplomatic representations through Sweden ensued, and the little Prince Vladzis Gedroic, aged two, was soon on his way back to Austria under the care of two nurses and a special courier.

By Adamantios Th. Polyzoides

The author of this article, a Greek journalist, has just returned to America after several months' study of the situation in Athens and other Balkan capitals.

G

REECE'S position in the European war has been difficult from the outset. The conflict, as every

one knows, started from Serbia, and Serbia was up to a certain extent the ally of Greece. But that alliance, it was argued, was strictly Balkanic in its character, had for un que purpose to prevent an undue aggrandizement of Bulgaria at the expense of Serbia and Greece, and never took into account the possibility of a European conflict, which might closely affect the territorial interests of the two allied countries.

At the outbreak of the great war, Greece made this plain to Serbia, and a perfect understanding between the two Premiers, Venizelos for Greece and Pashitch for Serbia, was soon reached. Greece, according to this understanding, was not to send any of her troops agains: Austria, but would keep an eye on Bulgaria; besides this, Greece also undertook to help Serbia in ways other than military; thus she offered her ally the use of the Port of Saloniki, put her merchant marine at the disposal of Serbia for the transport of any ammunition and supplies needed by the Serbian troops, and finally did everything in her power to facilitate the Serbian struggle.

Central Powers Offended Now, this is more than any neutral could do without risking his own interests. Germany and Austria had every reason to be dissatisfied with the neutrality of Greece, for it was openly favorable to the Entente, as often declared by the Greek Government, not only when presided over by Venizelos, but even when under the guidance of Gounaris and Zaïmis, who have never been so strongly for the Entente as the statesman from Crete.

Greece, according to the Teuton esti

mate, has been the backer of the Serbian campaign from the very beginning, when the Allies, hard pressed on other fronts, could do little for their Balkan ally.

Few people will deny · today that Greece has done for Serbia what no other neutral, with the possible exception of the United States, has done for the Entenit; this was so partly from political considerations and more because of the nation-wide sympathy felt in Greece for a brave friend fighting against the common foe. For thus were Austria and Germany regarded by Greece, because they coveted Saloniki, because they aspired to Balkan dominion, and because they had given unqualified support for years past to Turkey and Bulgaria, the two traditional enemies of Hellenism.

German Propaganda Germany and Austria, never having given a token of sympathy to Hellas, knew what the Greek feelings were toward them at the outbreak of the war. They were perfectly aware that sentiment was entirely with the Allies in this war so far as Greece was concerned, and accordingly they could never look at what happened down there in any other light than one of hostility and contempt.

Nevertheless, in such a conflict as this it was essential for the Teuton coalition not to let Greece side openly and militarily with the Entente; an effort had to be made to swing Greece to the Central Empires, and this was attempted by means of an official propaganda, at the head of which was placed Baron Schenck -some called him Baron Check-official representative of the German Wolff Agency. Greece looked at this propaganda' in the same humor as America looked at Dr. Dernburg. Nevertheless, its activities became apparent when

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certain number of Athens newspapers started a campaign against the Allies.

This was soon after the King refused to let the country take part in the expedition of the Dardanelles, and when Venizelos resigned for the first time. From that moment the Entente Allies began looking on Greece with suspicion. The workings of the German propaganda brought about the effect earnestly desired by Teuton diplomacy; Greece remained a neutral—a benevolent neutral toward the Entente, it is true, but nothing more.

Greek People Displeased Venizelos, the man in whom the Entente had absolute confidence, was not in power when this German propaganda began taking a more serious aspect; Gounaris was openly denounced as being pro-German, King Constantine's name was introduced in the controversy, and Greece for the first time impressed the diplomats of the Allies in Athens as actually swinging to Germany and Austria.

The people, on the other hand, knew one thing—that they were misrepresented, as far as their sympathies were concerned. Therefore they seized the first opportunity presented to them at the general election of June 13, 1915, when they gave

Venizelos and the Liberals 180 Deputies in a total of 316. On the strength of this majority Venizelos took charge of the Government, and for some time he was busy allaying the suspicions of the Entente Allies as to the attitude of the Greek people. Things were better up to the day when Bulgaria mobilized her army and subsequently attacked Serbia. Greece immediately ordered a similar measure, and was ready to join in the war as the ally of Serbia, when again this proposal was rejected by the King and the neutralist party, who thought that the Greco-Serbian treaty did not apply to this particular instance; Venizelos fell again, just one year ago, Zaïmis succeeding him.

According to a previous understanding, Zaimis was to work in Parliament wiih a Venizelist majority, but a slight inci

dent one night in the Chamber between Venizelos and the Minister of War brought about the resignation of Zaïmis, and the appointment of the Skouloudis Ministry, wherein all political parties but that of M. Venizelos were represented.

The Allies Suspicious If the Allies needed any further proof of what they regarded as Greek hostility, the second overthrow of Venizelos, in both instances a majority leader in Parliament, was more than enough for the purpose.

Greece immediately was considered a country where allied interests were not safe; added to this feeling was the small allied expeditionary force in Saloniki, which had come there at the bidding of Venizelos, when he, as Premier, thought that Greece was going to attack Bulgaria, and therefore asked the Entente Allies to help the Greek troops with 150,000 men, which, according to the Greco-Serbian treaty, Serbia was bound to give Greece, should the later move against the Bulgars. Now Greece was not going to war, and the Allies had nearly 50,000 of their troops isolated in Macedonia, pursued by the Bulgar and German forces, and viewed with distrust by a mobilized Greek Army of 300,000, which was suspected as being the tool of a pro-German Government.

In these circumstances the Entente ceased to consider Greece a friendly neutral; the occupation of Greek ports, forts, and islands, the embargo on Greek shipping, the search on Greek vessels even when plying in territorial waters, the seizure of Greek mails, including the domestic mail, the forcing of military law on Greek territory, the seizure of the Consular representatives of the Teuton coalition in Greek cities, and finally the blockade of Greek ports, and the upheaval of the Skouloudis Ministry—all these events of recent months are enough to show that Greece paid more dearly for her neutrality than any other nation in Europe.

Some Commercial Abuses While other neutrals made money out of the European war, Greece, with the exception of her merchant marine, has

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