of a general democratic peace without annexations. The delegation recognizes the enormous importance of this advance on the road to a general peace. It must, however, observe that the reply contains an important reservation on point 3. The Russian delegation has further noted with satisfaction in the declaration of the four allied powers on point 5 the recognition of the principle of no indemnities. It has made a reservation, however, regarding indemnification for the support of war prisoners."

The Russian delegation further declared that it attached importance to the indemnification from an international fund of private persons who have suffered from acts of war. The delegation also recognized that the evacuation by the enemy of occupied German colonies corresponds to the principles it has laid down, and it proposes that the question whether the principle of the free expression of the people's will is applicable to colonies should be reserved for a special commission.

Finally, the head of the Russian delegation declared that, despite the differences mentioned, the delegation is of opinion that the frank statement contained in the reply of the four allied powers—namely, that no aggressive intentions are entertained, offers a real possibility of an immediate start with the negotiations for a general peace between the belligerent States.

The Russian delegation therefore proposed that negotiations be interrupted for 10 days from December 25 until January 4 so that the peoples whose Governments have not yet joined in the negotiations proceeding here for a general peace may have an opportunity of making themselves acquainted with the principles of such a peace as now set forth. After the expiry of this period the negotiations must under all circumstances be continued.

Count Czernin then asked the Russian delegation to present its answer in writing....

3. ATTITUDE OF THE ALLIES. EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH BY STEPHEN PICHON, MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, IN THE FRENCH CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, JANUARY 11, 1918.

Stephen Pichon, French minister for foreign affairs, stated the decision of the Allies in a speech to the Chamber of Deputies on January 11, 1918, when he said:

"I telegraphed to our Allies and inquired whether they did not think it opportune to agree to make identical combined statements. The Allies finally decided unanimously that it was preferable to keep to separate

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declarations, leaving to each country full latitude as to form, since there was no disagreement in substance."

4. THE WAR AIMS OF THE ALLIES: SPEECH OF DAVID LLOYD GEORGE, BRITISH PREMIER, BEFORE THE LABOR CONFERENCE ON MANPOWER OF THE EMPIRE, LONDON, JANUARY 5, 1918.2

Explanatory Note.

Early in the war the British Government found it necessary to exempt men in certain occupations from military service. Eventually a List of Certified Occupations was issued and the exemptions indicated by this list became the subject of negotiations between the Government and the trade unions. The Military Service Act (5 & 6 Geo. 5, ch. 104, January 27, 1916) did not take full cognizance of the importance of occupational exemptions and it was therefore revised, after conference with the labor interests, by the Military Service Act (6 & 7 Geo. 5, ch. 15, May 25, 1916). The necessity of still further revising this act resulted in the so-called Man-Power Conference which began its sessions at Central Hall, Westminster, January 3, 1918, between representatives of the British Government and the representatives of the trade unions which were parties to the arrangements made in connection with recruiting under the schedule of protected occupations.

The British prime minister before the House of Commons, December 20, 1917 explained the relation between the Government and the trade unions in these words:

The tribunals [for determining liability to military service] are necessarily hampered and restricted by the conditions which Parliament imposed upon them, and probably which governments have imposed upon them owing to pledges given from time to time to avert labor troubles.... On behalf of the Government [Mr. Henderson] did his very best to smooth over those difficulties. He went on behalf of the Government to negotiate and whatever pledges he gave on behalf of the government for the time being, he did so with the full support and consent of the war cabinet. ... It was the best thing to do in the interests of the country, and the reason why now we have got to ask that these pledges shall be either altered or cancelled is because the conditions have changed and the demands upon the man-power of the country are greater in consequence of those conditions....

After an agreement had been entered into which gave protection to men engaged in certain trades, this question was asked by one of the trade unioniststhis was on April 26, 1916; [Mr. Asquith] was Prime Minister at the time-"What London Times, January 14, 1918, page 7.

• London Times, January 7, 1918.

guarantee have we got if we come to an agreement that the Government will keep it?" Mr. Henderson's answer was:-"You have got no guarantee at all, and you cannot get any guarantee at all in view of the changing circumstances of a great war like this. What we will do if we are compelled by the necessities of the war-which must always be paramount-again to depart from the schedule is that we will ask you to come and meet us before we do it."

...

Does anyone doubt that the conditions have materially changed? They have changed through circumstances over which not merely no government has any control, but circumstances over which this country has no control. Therefore it will be necessary for us to take action which will enable us to call men who at the present moment are protected by the conditions of these schedules to take their part in defense of their country in another sphere. But, as [Mr. Henderson] gave an undertaking on behalf of the Government, an undertaking which binds us all, . . . that if there were circumstances which would justify the Government in departing from the schedule, if they were compelled by the necessities of the war to depart from the schedule, they would ask them to come and meet the Government before doing it, it is proposed that before the scheme which the Government have got in their minds and the proposals which they mean to submit to the House before they come to the House of Commons and state what their plans are, and ask for the necessary legislation to enable them to carry out those plans, we propose to summon the unions which are concerned, to state the whole of the circumstances to them, and place before them the circumstances which have induced the Government to ask the House of Commons for a release from those pledges. My right hon. friend the Minister for National Service (Sir A. Geddes) proposes next week to invite the leaders of the trade unions to meet him in order to place the whole of these conditions before them.1

In preparation for the meeting announced by the prime minister, the labor interests on December 17, 1917, had issued a memorandum on war aims.

This memorandum was approved by the Executive Committee of the Labor Party and the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress for submission to the conference. It followed the main lines of a memorandum drawn up by a sub-committee of the Executive Committee of the Labor Party on the occasion of its conference on the abortive Stockholm project in August, 1917, and was as follows:

Memorandum of the British Labor Movement on war aims submitted to the Prime Minister in negotiations on man-power of the Empire, voted by special conference Central Hall, Westminster, December 28, 1917.

1. The War. The British Labor movement declares that whatever may have been the causes of the outbreak of war, it is clear that the peoples of Europe, who are necessarily the chief sufferers from its horrors, had themselves no hand in it. Their common interest is now so to conduct the terrible struggle in which they find themselves engaged as to bring it, as soon as may be possible, to an issue in a secure and lasting peace for the world. The British Labor London Times, Weekly Edition, December 28, 1917, page 1,083.

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movement sees no reason to depart from the declaration unanimously agreed to at the Conference of the Socialist and Labor parties of the Allied nations on February 14, 1915.1

2. Making the World Safe for Democracy.-Whatever may have been the causes for which the war was begun, the fundamental purpose of the British Labor movement in supporting the continuance of the struggle is that the world may henceforth be made safe for democracy.

Of all the war aims, none is so important to the peoples of the world as that there shall be henceforth on earth no more war. Whoever triumphs, the people will have lost unless some effective method of preventing war can be found.

As a means to this end, the British Labor movement relies very largely upon the complete democratization of all countries; on the frank abandonment of every form of imperialism; on the suppression of secret diplomacy, and on the placing of foreign policy, just as much as home policy, under the control of popularly elected legislatures; on the absolute responsibility of the foreign minister of each country to its legislature; on such concerted action as may be possible for the universal abolition of compulsory military service in all countries, the common limitation of the costly armaments by which all peoples are burdened, and the entire abolition of profit-making armament firms, whose pecuniary interest lies always in war scares and rivalry in preparation for war.

But it demands, in addition, that it should be an essential part of the treaty of peace itself that there should be forthwith established a supernational authority, or League of Nations, which should not only be adhered to by all the present belligerents, but which every other independent sovereign State in the world should be pressed to join; the immediate establishment by such League of Nations not only of an International High Court for the settlement of all disputes between States that are of justiciable nature, but also of appropriate machinery for prompt

The declaration referred to was voted in London, February 14, 1915, and reads:

I. This conference cannot ignore the profound general causes of the European conflict, itself a monstrous product of the antagonisms which tear asunder capitalist society, and of the policy of colonial dependencies and aggressive imperialism, against which international socialism has never ceased to fight, and in which every government has its share of responsibility.

The invasion of Belgium and France by the German armies threatens the very existence of independent nationalities, and strikes a blow at all faith in treaties. In these circumstances a victory for German imperialism would be the defeat and the destruction of democracy and liberty in Europe. The Socialists of Great Britain, Belgium, France and Russia do not pursue the political and economic crushing of Germany; they are not at war with the people of Germany and Austria, but only with the governments of those countries by which they are oppressed. They demand that Belgium shall be liberated and compensated. They desire that the question of Poland shall be settled in accordance with the wishes of the Polish people, either in the sense of autonomy in the midst of another State, or in that of complete independence. They wish that throughout all Europe, from AlsaceLorraine to the Balkans, those populations that have been annexed by force shall receive the right freely to dispose of themselves.

While inflexibly resolved to fight until victory is achieved to accomplish this task of liberation, the Socialists are none the less resolved to resist any attempt to transform this defensive war into a war of conquest, which would only prepare fresh conflicts, create new grievances, and subject various peoples more than ever to the double plague of armaments and war.

Satisfied that they are remaining true to the principles of the International, the members of the Conference express the hope that the working classes of all the different countries will before long find themselves united again in their struggle against militarism and capitalist imperialism. The victory of the Allied Powers must be a victory for popular liberty, for unity, independence and autonomy of the nations in the peaceful federation of the United States of Europe and the world.

II. On the conclusion of the war the working classes of all the industrial countries must unite in the International in order to suppress secret diplomacy, put an end to the interests of militarism and those of the armament makers, and establish some international authority to settle points of difference among the nations by compulsory conciliation and arbitration, and to compel all nations to maintain peace. . . .

and effective mediation between States at issue that are not justiciable; the formation of an International Legislature, in which the representatives of every civilized State would have their allotted share; the gradual development, as far as may prove to be possible, of international legislation agreed to by and definitely binding upon the several States, and for a solemn agreement and pledge by all States that every issue between any two or more of them shall be submitted for settlement as aforesaid, and that they will all make common cause against any State which fails to adhere to this agreement.

3. Territorial Adjustments.-The British Labor movement has no sympathy with the attempts made, now in this quarter and now in that, to convert this war into a war of conquest, nor should the struggle be prolonged for a single day, once the conditions of a permanent peace can be secured, merely for the sake of extending the boundaries of any State.

But it is impossible to ignore the fact that not only restitution and reparation, but also certain territorial readjustments, are required if a renewal of armaments and war is to be avoided. These readjustments must be such as can be arrived at by common agreement on the general principle of allowing all peoples to settle their own destinies and for the purpose of removing any obvious cause of future international conflict.

(a) Belgium.-The British Labor movement emphatically insists that a foremost condition of peace must be the reparation by the German Government, under the direction of an International Commission, of the wrong admittedly done to Belgium; payment by that government for all the damage that has resulted from this wrong, and the restoration of Belgium to complete and untrammeled independent sovereignty, leaving to the decision of the Belgian people the determination of their own future policy in all respects.

(b) Alsace and Lorraine.-The British Labor movement reaffirms its reprobation of the crime against the peace of the world by which Alsace and Lorraine were forcibly torn from France in 1871-a political blunder the effects of which have contributed in no small degree to the continuance of unrest and the growth of militarism in Europe-and, profoundly sympathizing with the unfortunate inhabitants of Alsace and Lorraine, who have been subjected to so much repression, asks in accordance with the declarations of the French Socialists that they shall be allowed, under the protection of the supernational authority, or League of Nations, freely to decide what shall be their future political position.

(c) The Balkans.-The British Labor movement suggests that the whole problem of the re-organization of the administration of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula might be dealt with by a Special Conference of their representatives, or by an authoritative International Commission, on the basis of (a) the complete freedom of these people to settle their own destinies, irrespective of Austrian, Turkish or other foreign dominion; (b) the independent sovereignties of the several nationalities in those districts in which these are largely predominant; (c) the universal adoption of religious tolerance, the equal citizenship of all races and local autonomy; (d) a Customs Union embracing the whole of the Balkan States, and (e) the entry of all the Balkan National States into a Federation for the concerted arrangement by mutual agreement among themselves of all matters of

common concern.

(d) Italy. The British Labor movement declares its warmest sympathy with the people of Italian blood and speech who have been left outside the inconvenient