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recovery of them when lost by the like invasions, against the said Enemies, Invaders or Persecutors, or against such as intend to invade or persecute, of whatever station, condition, rank and dignity they may be, as often as, and whenever such Party shall, without great injury to his Country, be able to spare a certain proportion of armed troops, archers, slingers, ships and galleys sufficiently supplied with all requisites and other kinds of defense (except when their price is excessive or they are needed in the Country), at the cost, expense and pay of the Party requiring, to be strictly estimated by four military men of experience or able and discreet members of the legal profession (of whom two are to be deputed or chosen by each Party) according to the quality of the individuals to be sent, and their grades, to the circumstances of the times, and to the markets of the places in which the persons dispatched shall have to exert their valor or military skill, within such times as, after the aforesaid requisition, a similar succor ought to be prepared and sent, regard being had both to the pressing occasion of the Party requiring, and to the possibility of the Party called upon being able to complete his preparations, it being understood that throughout these proceedings no duplicity and unfairness shall appear, but that the strait path of equitable dealing and benignity shall be pursued.

Furthermore, to the end that the above, collectively and singly, may really be fulfilled and faithfully observed, we the aforesaid proctors, in lieu and in the names of those above mentioned, promise bona fide and take our oath on the soul of our said Lord the King of England by touching the holy Gospels; that he, our Lord the King, will with all his might and senses keep, fulfil and inviolably observe, in whole and in part, the above-written alliances, friendships, unions, confederacies and conventions, and all the articles and clauses of them (provided always that they do not interfere with former alliances), will cause them to be kept, fulfilled and inviolably observed, and will neither transgress at any future time nor knowingly suffer to be in any way transgressed the above stipulations, or any of them, in whole or in part, by breaking, infringing or violating them knowingly, or by causing or suffering them to be infringed, violated or broken, on pretense of any excuse or exception, fraud or deceit, error, coercion, written law, custom, act or intention, or privilege obtained or to be obtained.

ALLIES PREVENT HARM TO EACH OTHER

2. Treaty Of All1ance Between England And Portugal, S1gned At W1ndsor, May Q, 1386.1

VII. Further, it is agreed, that if either of the aforesaid Parties can learn, discover or anticipate any injury, contumely or disadvantage to have been planned or meditated against the other Party, on sea or land, manifestly or privately, he shall prevent it as much as in him lies, as though he were desirous of preventing the injury and contumely intended to his own interest, and shall endeavor, by all means in his power, that such design, with all the particulars connected with it, may be brought to the notice of the other Party against which it is so intended, and every artifice, deceit and invention shall be abstained from.

3. Treaty Of Defens1ve All1ance Between Great Brita1n And Portugal, S1gned At L1sbon, May 16, 1703.'

I. All former treaties between the abovesaid Powers are hereby approved, confirmed and ratified, and are ordered to be exactly and faithfully observed, except in so far as by the present treaty is otherwise provided and established; so that there shall be between the said Kingdoms and States, their people and subjects, a sincere friendship and perfect amity; they shall all of them mutually assist one another; and each of the said Powers shall promote the interest and advantage of the rest, as if it were his own.3

'1 British and Foreign State Papers, Part I, 472; Rymcr's Foedera, VII, 515. On the preceding April 28 England signed a treaty of alliance and mutual assistance with King John of Cast1le, Duke of Lancaster (Rymcr's Foedera, VII, 510). The Portuguese treaty of all1ance was confirmed on June 20 (Rymer's Foedera, VII, 525).

■ 1 British and Foreign State Papers, Part 1, 502.

■ The present Government of Portugal, following its accession to power as the result of revolution, issued the following statement on December 18,1017:

"Efforts are being made in certain quarters to suggest the idea that the recent revolution in Portugal was carried out in the interest of the monarchy with the assistance of Spanish and other foreign elements and that it was essentially a movement 1n favor of Germany and against the Allies.

"There is not a scintilla of truth in any one of these suggestions. They are merely one more device of the all-pervading German propaganda intended to sow dissension among the Allies. Their character can easily be appraised by noting the quarters in which they are put forth.

"The foreign policy of the new Portuguese government rests and will continue to rest on the maintenance of the alliance with England in hearty co-operation with the other allies.

"The hostile attitude of the German press toward the new situation in Portugal and the bombardment of the Portuguese port of Funchal by a German submarine, directly the success of the revolution became known, clearly show the flimsy nature of the German propaganda's latest stratagem." —(Associated Press dispatch, December 18, 19x7.)

THE MONROE DOCTRINE AFTER THE WAR

THE MONROE DOCTRINE AFTER
THE WAR*

By George Grafton W1lson,
Professor of International Law, Harvard University.

The President of the United States on January 22, 1917, addressing the Senate, said, " perhaps I am the only person in high authority amongst all the people of the world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing back," and proposed "that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world." The President, referring to the propositions as to "the foundations of peace among the nations," also said, " I feel confident that I have said what the people of the United States would wish me to say;" and later in the same address he asserted, " I would fain believe that I am speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere."

As President of the United States, Mr. Wilson's words may unquestionably and properly be regarded in foreign countries as expressing the policy of the United States Government. As the head of the Government of a neutral state occupying an important place in the world, when many other states were engaged in war, the claim to be speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere was not wholly presumption.

It can also certainly be claimed that a President of the United States in 1917 has an equal right with a President of the United States in 1823 to state what American policy is, and, if in 1917 the policy of 1823 is reaffirmed, then such policy would be worthy of even greater consideration in international affairs.

President Wilson on January 22, 1917, while proposing a concert of power, government by consent of the governed, freedom of

*See also address National Conference on Foreign Relations of the United States, held under auspices American Academy of Political Science, Long Beach, New York, May 30, 1917, in Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, VII, No. 2, 297-302.

the seas, limitation of armament, and advocating "that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world,'" explained that, under this world doctrine, "no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful."

Clearly, this recently announced American policy would for the period after the war enlarge the scope and operation of the Monroe Doctrine. The realization of this fact is evident in foreign opinion. On January 24 Bonar Law, chancellor of the exchequer, in a speech at Bristol, England, said of the address of President Wilson, "what President Wilson is longing for, we are fighting for." On January 26 it was announced from Petrograd, that Russia "can gladly indorse President Wilson's communication." The part relating to the freedom of the seas found partic

1" I have sought this opportunity to address you because I thought that I owed it to you, as the council associated with me in the final determination of our international obligations, to disclose to you without reserve the thought and purpose that have been taking form in my mind in regard to the duty of our Government in the days to come when it will be necessary to lay afresh and upon a new plan the foundations of peace among the nations.

"It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise. To take part in such a service will be the opportunity for which they have sought to prepare themselves by the very principles and purposes of their polity and the approved practices of their Government ever since the days when they set up a new nation in the high and honorable hope that it might in all that it was and did show mankind the way to liberty. They cannot in honor withhold the service to which they are now about to be challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to themselves and to the other nations of the world to state the conditions under which they will feel free to render it.

"That service is nothing less than this, to add their authority and their power to the authority and force of other nations to guarantee peace and justice throughout the world. Such a settlement cannot now be long postponed. It is right that before it comes this Government should frankly formulate the conditions upon which it would feel justified in asking our people to approve its formal and solemn adherence to a League for Peace. I am here to attempt to state those conditions. . . .

"The question upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is this: Is the present war a struggle for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance of power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee, the stable equilibrium of the new arrangement? Only a tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There must be,

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