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relations by a frank, firm and manly policy, meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our Southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course. (Paragraph 49.)

2. PRESIDENT POLK'S ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 2, 1845.*

It is well known to the American people and to all nations that this Government has never interfered with the relations subsisting between other governments. We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances; we have not sought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles.... We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the same rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs. The people of the United States can not, therefore, view with indifference attempts of European powers to interfere

25

Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 2248-2249.

President Polk in a special message of April 29, 1848, further said:

"[The inhabitants of Yucatan] have, through their constituted authorities, implored the aid of this Government to save them from destruction [by an insurrection of Indians], offering in case this should be granted to transfer the 'dominion and sovereignty of the peninsula' to the United States. Similar appeals for aid and protection have been made to the Spanish and the English Gov

ernments.

"Whilst it is not my purpose to recommend the adoption of any measure with a view to the acquisition of the 'dominion and sovereignty' over Yucatan, yet, according to our established policy, we could not consent to a transfer of this 'dominion and sovereignty' either to Spain, Great Britain or any other European power." (Richardson, Messages and Papers, 2431-2432.)

JOHNSON EXCLUDES MONARCHIES

289

with the independent action of the nations on this continent. The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe. ... We must ever maintain the principle that the people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, constituting an independent state, propose to unite themselves with our Confederacy, this will be a question for them and us to determine without any foreign interposition. We can never consent that European powers shall interfere to prevent such a union because it might disturb the "balance of power" which they may desire to maintain upon this continent. Near a quarter of a century ago the principle was distinctly announced to the world, in the annual message of one of my predecessors. . . .

This principle will apply with greatly increased force should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing circumstances of the world the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The reassertion of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is at this day but the promulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the disposition to resist. Existing rights of every European nation should be respected, but it is due alike to our safety and our interests that the efficient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole territorial limits, and that it should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled policy that no future European colony or dominion shall with our consent be planted or established on any part of the North American continent.

3. PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 9, 1868."

While the United States have on all occasions professed a decided unwillingness that any part of this continent or of its adjacent islands shall be made a theater for a new establishment of monarchical power, too little has been done by us, on the other hand, to attach the communities by which we are surrounded to our own country, or to lend even a moral support to the efforts they are so resolutely and so constantly making to secure republican institutions for themselves....

Comprehensive national policy would seem to sanction the acquisition and incorporation into our Federal Union of the several adjacent Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 3886-3887.

continental and insular communities as speedily as it can be done peacefully, lawfully, and without any violation of national justice, faith or honor. Foreign possession or control of those communities has hitherto hindered the growth and impaired the influence of the United States. ...

The conviction is rapidly gaining ground in the American mind that with the increased facilities for intercommunication between all portions of the earth the principles of free government, as embraced in our Constitution, if faithfully maintained and carried out, would prove of sufficient strength and breadth to comprehend within their sphere and influence the civilized nations of the world.

4. PRESIDENT GRANT'S MESSAGES.

a. FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, DECEMBER 6, 1869.27

The United States have no disposition to interfere with the existing relations of Spain to her colonial possessions on this continent. . . . These dependencies are no longer regarded as subject to transfer from one European power to another. When the present relations of colonies ceases, they are to become independent powers, exercising the right of choice and of self-control in the determination of their future condition and relations with other powers.

b. SPECIAL MESSAGE, MAY 31, 1870, ON THE Annexation of the DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.28

The doctrine promulgated by President Monroe has been adhered to by all political parties, and I now deem it proper to assert the equally important principle that hereafter no territory on this continent shall be regarded as subject of transfer to a European power.

C. SPECIAL MESSAGE, June 13, 1870, on the REVOLT IN CUBA.2

29

The strict adherence to this rule of public policy [admission of insurgency] has been one of the highest honors of American statesmanship, and has secured to this Government the confidence of the feeble powers on this continent, which induces them to rely upon its friendship and absence of designs of conquest and to look to the United States for

"Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 3986.

28

Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 4015.

20 Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 4021.

HAYES INCLUDES ISTHMIAN CANAL

291

example and moral protection. It has given to this Government a position of prominence and of influence which it should not abdicate, but which imposes upon it the most delicate duties of right and of honor regarding American questions, whether those questions affect emancipated colonies or colonies still subject to European dominion.

d. SPECIAL MESSAGE, APRIL 5, 1871, ON THE ANNEXATION OF THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.30

I believed... that our institutions were broad enough to extend over the entire continent as rapidly as other peoples might desire to bring themselves under our protection. I believed further that we should not permit any independent government within the limits of North America to pass from a condition of independence to one of ownership or protection under a European power. . . .

In view of the facts which had been laid before me, and with an earnest desire to maintain the "Monroe Doctrine," I believed that I would be derelict in my duty if I did not take measures to ascertain the exact wish of the Government and inhabitants of the Republic of San Domingo in regard to annexation and communicate the information to the people of the United States.

5. PRESIDENT HAYES' SPECIAL MESSAGE, MARCH 8, 1880, REGARDING AN ISTHMIAN CANAL.31

The policy of this country is a canal under American control. The United States can not consent to the surrender of this control to any European power, or to any combination of European powers. If existing treaties between the United States and other nations, or if the rights of sovereignty or property of other nations stand in the way of this policy -a contingency which is not apprehended-suitable steps should be taken by just and liberal negotiations to promote and establish the American policy on this subject, consistently with the rights of the nations to be affected by it.

The capital invested by corporations or citizens of other countries in such an enterprise must, in a great degree, look for protection to one or

* Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 4083.

81

Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 4537-4538.

more of the great powers of the world. No European power can intervene for such protection without adopting measures on this continent which the United States would deem wholly inadmissible. If the protection of the United States is relied upon, the United States must exercise such control as will enable this country to protect its national interests and maintain the rights of those whose private capital is embarked in the work.

An interoceanic canal across the American Isthmus will essentially change the geographical relations between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States, and between the United States and the rest of the world. It will be the great ocean thoroughfare between our Atlantic and our Pacific shores, and virtually a part of the coast line of the United States. Our merely commercial interest in it is greater than that of all other countries, while its relations to our power and prosperity as a nation, to our means of defense, our unity, peace and safety are matters of paramount concern to the people of the United States. No other great power would, under similar circumstances, fail to assert a rightful control over a work so closely and vitally affecting its interest and welfare.

6. PRESIDENT HARRISON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1889."

We have happily maintained a policy of avoiding all interference with European affairs. We have been only interested spectators of their contentions in diplomacy and in war, ready to use our friendly offices to promote peace, but never obtruding our advice and never attempting unfairly to coin the distresses of other powers into commercial advantage to ourselves. We have a just right to expect that our European policy will be the American policy of European courts.

It is so manifestly incompatible with those precautions for our peace and safety which all the great powers habitually observe and enforce in matters affecting them that a shorter waterway between our eastern and western seaboards should be dominated by any European Government that we may confidently expect that such a purpose will not be entertained by any friendly power.

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* Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 5445.

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