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from 1867 until 1912, was never known to act without the advice of his responsible ministers. He was keenly interested in affairs of state and participated in all the important discussions of the cabinet and privy council. His role was usually that of arbitrator when differences of opinion arose among his advisers. In every crisis of which we have knowledge, his influence was thrown in favor of the advocates of peace, notably during the Korean difficulty in 1873. And in the later years of his reign his views were properly received with the greatest respect because he was familiar with every step in the progress of Japan from a weak feudal state to a strong, united nation.

Because of its ancient lineage and its complete identification with the people's interests, the ruling dynasty of Japan holds the loyal affection of the nation to a degree surpassed by no other royal house. Whereas the Hohenzollerns repeatedly imposed their will upon the Prussian and German peoples, the emperors of New Japan have never been known to override the views of their advisers. And when the Emperor Meiji spoke to his people his words contrasted strongly with those of the late Kaiser. You will find in his rescripts no reference to the "mailed fist," to "standing in shining armor," or exhortations to his soldiers to "act like Huns." The famous imperial rescripts are those on education, which is memorized by every Japanese school-boy, on moral instruction, on thrift and diligence, on charity. This deep interest in the moral development of his people has given the late emperor a lofty place as a "peace-lord," in spite of the heroic achievements of his armies in the Chinese and Russian wars.

So to-day Japan enjoys a constitutional government, under an emperor who reigns but does not rule. The people still lack political experience, for parliamentary government is only 27 years old. But, through an excellent system of elementary education, and with the experience which time alone can bring, there is no reason to doubt that Japan will develop a government quite as democratic as that in any constitutional state, with the emperor, loyally reverenced by his people, serving practically as an hereditary president.

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But with this development of popular control there comes the greater need for sound knowledge of international relations. And this is just as essential in our own democracy, where the people, in the last analysis, control our foreign affairs. In this connection Elihu Root has said: "Democracies have their dangers, and they have their dangers in foreign affairs, and these dangers arise from the fact that the great mass of people haven't the time or the opportunity, or, in most cases, the capacity to study and understand the intricate and complicated relations which exist necessarily between nations. And being so situated that they cannot study the relations, cannot become familiar with the vast mass of facts which they involve, cannot become familiar with the characters and purposes of other nations, they are peculiarly open to misrepresentation and misunderstanding. The great danger to international relations with the democracies is misunderstanding —a misunderstanding of one's own duties, and of the rights and duties of other peoples."

And in the same address, at a banquet in honor of Viscount Ishii, Mr. Root continued: "For many years I was very familiar with our own department of foreign affairs, and for some years I was especially concerned in its operation. During that time there were many difficult, perplexing and doubtful questions to be discussed and settled between the United States and Japan. During that time the thoughtless or malicious section of the press was doing its worst. During that time the demagogue, seeking cheap reputation by stirring up the passions of the people to whom it appealed, was doing his worst. There were many incidents out of which quarrels and conflict might have arisen, and I hope you will all remember what I say: that during all that period there never was a moment when the Government of Japan was not frank, sincere, friendly and most solicitous not to enlarge but to minimize and do away with all causes of controversy. No one who has any familiarity at all with life can be mistaken in a negotiation as to whether the one with whom he is negotiating is trying to be frank or trying to bring on a quarrel. This is a fundamental thing that you cannot be mistaken about. And there never was a more consistent and noble advocate of peace, of international friendship and of real, good understanding in the diplomacy of this world than was exhibited by the representatives of Japan, both here and in Japan, during all these years in their relations with the United States. I wish for no better, no more frank and friendly intercourse between my country and any other country than the intercourse by which Japan in those years illustrated the best qualities of the new diplomacy between nations as distinguished from the old diplomacy as between rulers."

November 20, 1918.


Assembled here are the principal documents referred to by Professor Treat in his clear and concise account of Japan's recent international relations. Japan has the rare distinction of never having broken her word in international affairs, and the editors have prepared this appendix both to furnish documentary proof of Professor Treat's accurate estimate of events and to provide the reader an opportunity to gain from it a realistic conception of Japan's position in the family of nations.

I. Outbreak Of Host1l1t1es W1th Germany,
1. The Japanese Ult1matum, August 15, 1914.1

Considering it highly important and necessary in the present situation to take measures to remove all causes of disturbance to the peace of the Far East and to safeguard the general interests contemplated by the agreement of alliance between Japan and Great Britain in order to secure a firm and enduring peace in eastern Asia, which is the aim of the said agreement, the Imperial Japanese Government sincerely believe it their duty to give advice to the Imperial German Government to carry out the following two propositions:

First.—To withdraw immediately from the Japanese and Chinese waters German men-of-war and armed vessels of all kinds and to disarm at once those which can not be so withdrawn;

Second.—To deliver on a date not later than September 15, 1914, to

the Imperial Japanese authorities without condition or compensation the

■ ■ This ultimatum was stated at the time of its issuance to be a paraphrase of the note handed to Japan on April 25, 1895, by Russia, supported by Germany and France. For comparison the essential text of that note is here given:

"The Imperial Russian Government, having examined the terms of peace demanded of China by Japan, consider the contemplated possession of the Liao-tung peninsula by Japan will not only constitute a constant menace to the capital of China, but will also render the independence of Korea illusory, and thus jeopardize the permanent peace of the Far East. Accordingly, the Imperial Government, in a spirit of cordial friendship for Japan, hereby counsel the Government of the Emperor of Japan to renounce the definitive possession of the Liao-tung peninsula."

The Japanese rescript of May 13 following stated that she "yielded to the dictates of magnanimity, and accepted the advice of the three powers." (Revue generate de droit international public, II, 458-+S9-)

entire leased territory of Kiaochow with a view to eventual restoration of the same to China.

The Imperial Japanese Government announce at the same time that in the event of their not receiving by noon August 23, 1914, the answer of the Imperial German Government signifying unconditional acceptance of the above advice offered by the Imperial Japanese Government they will be compelled to take such action as they may deem necessary to meet the situation.

2. Imper1al Japanese Rescr1pt Declar1ng War Aga1nst Germany From Noon Of August 23, 1914.

We, by the grace of heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on the throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, do hereby make the following proclamation to all our loyal and brave subjects:

We hereby declare war against Germany, and we command our army and navy to carry on hostilities against that Empire with all their strength, and we also command all our competent authorities to make every effort, in pursuance of their respective duties to attain the national aim by all means within the limits of the law of nations.

Since the outbreak of the present war in Europe, the calamitous effect of which we view with grave concern, we on our part have entertained hopes of preserving the peace of the Far East by the maintenance of strict neutrality, but the action of Germany has at length compelled Great Britain, our Ally, to open hostilities against that country, and Germany is at Kiaochow, its leased territory in China, busy with warlike preparations, while its armed vessels cruising the seas of eastern Asia are threatening our commerce and that of our Ally. Peace of the Far East is thus in jeopardy.

Accordingly, our Government and that of his Britannic Majesty, after full and frank communication with each other, agreed to take such measures as may be necessary for the protection of the general interests, contemplated in the agreement of alliance, and we on our part being desirous to attain that object by peaceful means commanded our Government to offer with sincerity an advice to the Imperial German Government. By the last day appointed for the purpose, however, our Government failed to receive an answer accepting their advice. It is with profound regret that we, in spite of our ardent devotion to the cause of peace, are thus compelled to declare war, especially at this early period of our reign and while we are still in mourning for our lamented mother.'

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