RECENT WORKS ON JAPAN Abbott, James Francis. Japanese Expansion and American Policies. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1916. viii p., 1 l., 267 p., diagr. 20 cm. The author believes in a policy of active co-operation between the two countries. Blakeslee, George Hubbard, editor. Japan and Japanese-American Relations. New York, G. E. Stechert and Company, 1912. xi, 348 p. 24 cm. (Clark University Addresses.) Twenty-two addresses delivered at Clark University by leading authorities on Japan. Brinkley, Frank, and Kikuchi, Dairoku, Baron. A History of the Japanese People from the Earliest Times to the End of the Meiji Era . . . with 150 illustrations engraved on wood by Japanese artists; half-tone plates and maps. New York, Encyclopædia Britannica Co., 1915. xi, 784 p. 23 cm. Best history of Japan in English. Crow, Carl. Japan and America; a contrast. New York, Robert M. Mc Bride and Company, 1916. 4 p. l., 316 p. 211⁄2 cm. A superficial study by an American journalist. Dyer, Henry. Japan in World Politics; a study of international dynamics. London, Blackie & Son, limited, 1909. Foster, John Watson. American xiii, 425 P. 23 cm. Diplomacy in the Orient. 221⁄2 cm. Houghton Mifflin Company, 1904. xiv p., 1 l., 498 p. Boston, Gulick, Sidney Lewis. The American Japanese Problem; a study of the racial relations of the East and West. New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1914. X, 349 p., front., plates, diagrs. 21 cm. The author was for 27 years a missionary and teacher in Japan. Proposes a new American Oriental policy. Hornbeck, Stanley Kuhl. Contemporary Politics in the Far East. New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1916. xxi, [2], 466 p., fold. map. 221⁄2 cm. A scholarly study of recent political developments. The Imperial Japanese Mission, 1917. Washington, Carnegie Endownment for International Peace, 1918. A record of the reception throughout the United States of the Special Mission headed by Viscount Ishii. International Conciliation Pamphlet No. 124. The United States and Japan. Documents, addresses by Elihu Root and James L. Slayden, and an article by Professor Latourette. Iyenaga, Toyokichi, editor. Japan's Real Attitude Toward America; a reply to Mr. George Bronson Rea's "Japan's Place in the Sun-the Menace to America." New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1916. 211⁄2 cm. A critical study of some typical anti-Japanese propaganda. viii p., 1 l., 94 P. "Japan to Aid Her Allies Against Germany," Outlook, March 13, 1918. Jones, Jefferson. The Fall of Tsing-Tau, with a study of Japan's ambitions in China. Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1915. xvii, [1], 214, [2 p.] ill. 21 cm. A journalist's account of Japan's military effort. Kawakami, Kiyoshi Karl. American-Japanese Relations; an inside view of Japan's policies and purposes. New York, Fleming H. Revell Company, 1912. 3 p. l., 9-370 p. 211⁄2 cm. , Asia at the Door; a study of the Japanese question in continental United States, Hawaii and Canada. . . . New York, Fleming H. Revell Company, 1914. 4 p. 1., 7-269 p. 211⁄2 cm. —, Japan in World Politics. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1917, xxvii p., 1 l., 300 p. 20 cm. "Japan's Attitude Toward the War," Review of Reviews, February, 1918. "Russia and Japan," Review of Reviews, April, 1918. "Japan's Difficult Position," Yale Review, April, 1918. The author was educated in America and, as the representative of several Japanese newspapers, has unusual opportunities for understanding the Japanese point of view. His books and articles serve to present the attitude of thoughtful Japanese toward contemporary problems. Kinnosuke, Adachi, "Why Japan's Army will Not Fight in Europe," Asia, February, 1918. Latourette, Kenneth Scott. The Development of Japan. Published under the auspices of the Japan Society. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1918. xi p., 1 l., 237 p., map. 201⁄2 cm. One of the best brief histories of Japan-clear, scholarly, suggestive. 17 cm. Boston, Little, Brown and Longford, Joseph Henry. The Evolution of New Japan. New York, G. P.. 21 cm. A detailed study. Very critical of the bureaucracy, but overlooks other potent forces. Millard, Thomas Franklin. Our Eastern Question; America's contact with the Orient and the trend of relations with China and Japan. New York, The Century Company, 1916. 6 p. l., 3-543 p. ill., maps. 211⁄2 cm. The author is an American journalist in China. Sympathetic treatment of Chinese problems, but critical of Japanese. RECENT WORKS ON JAPAN 465 Millis, Harry Alvin. The Japanese Problem in the United States; an investigation for the Commission on relations with Japan appointed by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. New York, The Macmillan Company, 1915. xxi, 334 p., plates. 191⁄2 cm. A careful study of Japanese immigration by a trained investigator. Mitford, Eustace Bruce, "Japan and the War," Fortnightly Review, Nitobe, Inazo Ota. The Japanese Nation; its land, its people, and its life, 20 cm. Scherer, James Augustin Brown. The Japanese Crisis. New York, Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1916. 5 p. l., 3-148 p. 191⁄2 cm. Sunderland, Jabez Thomas. Rising Japan; is she a menace or a comrade Treat, Payson Jackson, "Japan and America," Review of Reviews, April, 1917. Uyehara, George Etsujiro. The Political Development of Japan, 18671909. London, Constable & Co., 1910. xxiv, 296 p., tables. The work of an English-educated Japanese scholar. 23 cm. "Why Japan Has Not Sent a Force to Europe," Outlook, January 9, 1918. THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT (Article published posthumously, in the Kansas City Star, January 13, 1919.) It is, of course, a serious misfortune that our people are not getting a clear idea of what is happening on the other side. For the moment the point as to which we are foggy is the League of Nations. We all of us earnestly desire such a League, only we wish to be sure that it will help and not hinder the cause of world peace and justice. There is not a young man in this country who has fought, or an old man who has seen those dear to him fight, who does not wish to minimize the chance of future war. But there is not a man of sense who does not know that in any such movement, if too much is attempted, the result is either failure or worse than failure. The trouble with Mr. Wilson's utterances, so far as they are reported, and the utterances of acquiescence in them by European statesmen, is that they are still absolutely in the stage of rhetoric, precisely like the 14 points. Some of the 14 points will probably have to be construed as having a mischievous sentence, a smaller number might be construed as being harmless, and one or two even as beneficial, but nobody knows what Mr. Wilson really means by them, and so all talk of adopting them as the basis for a peace or league is nonsense, and, if the talker is intelligent, it is insincere nonsense to boot. So Mr. Wilson's recent utterances give us absolutely no clew as to whether he really intends that at this moment we shall admit Russia, Germany, with which, incidentally, we are still waging war, Turkey, China and Mexico into the League on a full equality with ourselves. Mr. Taft has recently defined the purposes of LET ALLIES BEGIN LEAGUE 467 the League and the limitations under which it would act, in a way that enables most of us to say we very heartily agree in principle with his theory, and can, without doubt, come to an agreement on specific details. Would it not be well to begin with the League which we actually have in existence-the League of the Allies who have fought through this great war? Let us at the peace table see that real justice is done as among these Allies, and that while the sternest reparation is demanded from our foe for such horrors as those committed in Belgium, northern France, Armenia, and the sinking of the Lusitania, nothing should be done in the spirit of mere vengeance. Then let us agree to extend the privileges of the League as rapidly as their conduct warrants it to other nations, doubtless discriminating between those who would have a guiding part in the League and the weak nations who should be entitled to the guiding voice in the councils. Let each nation reserve to itself and for its own decision, and let it clearly set forth, questions which are nonjusticiable. Let nothing be done that will interfere with our preparing for our own defense by introducing a system of universal obligatory military training, modeled on the Swiss plan. Finally, make it perfectly clear that we do not intend to take a position of an international Meddlesome Matty. The American people do not wish to go into an overseas war unless for a very great cause, and where the issue is absolutely plain. Therefore, we do not wish to undertake the responsibility of sending our gallant young men to die in obscure fights in the Balkans or in Central Europe, or in a war we do not approve of. Moreover, the American people do not intend to give up the Monroe Doctrine. Let civilized Europe and Asia introduce some kind of police system in the weak and disorderly countries at their thresholds. But let the United States treat Mexico as our Balkan peninsula and refuse to allow European or Asiatic powers to interfere on this continent in any way that implies permanent or semi-permanent possession. Every one of our Allies will with |