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Millis, Harry Alvin. The Japanese Problem in the United States; an in-
vestigation for the Commission on relations with Japan appointed by the
Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in Amer1ca. New York, The
Macmillan Company, 1915. xxi, 334 p., plates. 10M cm.
A careful study of Japanese immigration by a trained investigator.

Mitford, Eustace Bruce, "Japan and the War," Fortnightly Review,
October, 1918.

Nitobe, Inazo Ota. The Japanese Nation; its land, its people, and its life,
with special consideration to its relations with the United States. New
York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1912. xiv p., r 1., 334 p., map. 20X cm.
Lectures delivered in America by an eminent, American-educated, Japanese scholar.

Porter, Robert Percival. Japan; The rise of a modern power. Oxford,
Clarendon Press, 1018. xi, 361 p. ill., maps. 20 cm.
Designed to increase British knowledge of their Ally.

Scherer, James Augustin Brown. The Japanese Crisis. New York, Frederick
A. Stokes Company, 1916. 5 p. 1., 3-148 p. 19K cm.
The work of a California college president who was for five years a teacher in Japan.

Sunderland, Jabez Thomas. Rising Japan; is she a menace or a comrade
to be welcomed in the fraternity of nat1ons? .. . with a foreword by Lindsay
Russell. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1918. xi, 220 p. 19 cm.
A sympathetic study of Japan and her place in the world to-day.

Treat, Payson Jackson, "Japan and America," Review of Reviews, April, 1917.

Uyehara, George Etsujiro. The Political Development of Japan, 18671909. London, Constable & Co., 1910. xxiv, 296 p., tables. 23 cm. The work of an Engfch-educated Japanese scholar.

"Why Japan Has Not Sent a Force to Europe," Outlook, January 9, 1918.


By Theodore Roosevelt

(Article published posthumously, in the Kansas City Star, January 13, 1p19.)

It is, of course, a serious misfortune that our people are not getting a clear idea of what is happening on the other side. For the moment the point as to which we are foggy is the League of Nations. We all of us earnestly desire such a League, only we wish to be sure that it will help and not hinder the cause of world peace and justice. There is not a young man in this country who has fought, or an old man who has seen those dear to him fight, who does not wish to minimize the chance of future war. But there is not a man of sense who does not know that in any such movement, if too much is attempted, the result is either failure or worse than failure.

The trouble with Mr. Wilson's utterances, so far as they are reported, and the utterances of acquiescence in them by European statesmen, is that they are still absolutely in the stage of rhetoric, precisely like the 14 points. Some of the 14 points will probably have to be construed as having a mischievous sentence, a smaller number might be construed as being harmless, and one or two even as beneficial, but nobody knows what Mr. Wilson really means by them, and so all talk of adopting them as the basis for a peace or league is nonsense, and, if the talker is intelligent, it is insincere nonsense to boot.

So Mr. Wilson's recent utterances give us absolutely no clew as to whether he really intends that at this moment we shall admit Russia, Germany, with which, incidentally, we are still waging war, Turkey, China and Mexico into the League on a full equality with ourselves. Mr. Taft has recently defined the purposes of

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the League and the limitations under which it would act, in a way that enables most of us to say we very heartily agree in principle with his theory, and can, without doubt, come to an agreement on specific details.

Would it not be well to begin with the League which we actually have in existence—the League of the Allies who have fought through this great war? Let us at the peace table see that real justice is done as among these Allies, and that while the sternest reparation is demanded from our foe for such horrors as those committed in Belgium, northern France, Armenia, and the sinking of the Lusitania, nothing should be done in the spirit of mere vengeance.

Then let us agree to extend the privileges of the League as rapidly as their conduct warrants it to other nations, doubtless discriminating between those who would have a guiding part in the League and the weak nations who should be entitled to the guiding voice in the councils. Let each nation reserve to itself and for its own decision, and let it clearly set forth, questions which are nonjusticiable. Let nothing be done that will interfere with our preparing for our own defense by introducing a system of universal obligatory military training, modeled on the Swiss plan.

Finally, make it perfectly clear that we do not intend to take a position of an international Meddlesome Matty. The American people do not wish to go into an overseas war unless for a very great cause, and where the issue is absolutely plain. Therefore, we do not wish to undertake the responsibility of sending our gallant young men to die in obscure fights in the Balkans or in Central Europe, or in a war we do not approve of.

Moreover, the American people do not intend to give up the Monroe Doctrine. Let civilized Europe and Asia introduce some kind of police system in the weak and disorderly countries at their thresholds. But let the United States treat Mexico as our Balkan peninsula and refuse to allow European or Asiatic powers to interfere on this continent in any way that implies permanent or semi-permanent possession. Every one of our Allies will with delight grant this request if President Wilson chooses to make it, and it will be a great misfortune if it is not made.

I believe that such an effort, made moderately and sanely but sincerely and with utter scorn for words that are not made good by deeds, will be productive of real and lasting international good.



Abyssin1a, Anglo-French-Italian treaties

regarding, 1006 213-214

Afghanistan, Anglo-Russian treaty regard-
ing, 1007 205-207, 239-240

Agadir crisis, Anglo-French-Russian co-
operation . . . # 208-200

Alabama claims, arbitration 0-10


Austro-Italian treaty regarding .... 213

position and national traits 75-76

Ail-Russian Council of Workmen's and
Soldiers' Delegates, peace program,

Oct. 20, 1917b 107-108

sec also Bolshcviki.
Allied Powers:

agreement not to conclude peace

separately 408-400

agreement with Murman Regional

Council 410-413

armistice agreements—

Austria-Hungary, Nov. 4, 1918 . 391-394
Germany, Nov. 11, 19 18 .... 39S-401

Turkey, Oct. 31, 1918 388-391

attitude toward Brest-Litovsk confer-
ence 116-117

diplomatic unity of action .... 407-408
guaranty of Belgian independence—

declaration 409

reply of Baron Bcyens 410

Siberian expedition—

announcement of U. S 414-416

declaration of Japan 413-414

history of 428-430

war a1ms 117-139

sec also Supreme War Council.

British attitude toward 128-129

Germany's attitude toward .... 141-142
American mission to Europe, announce-
ment, Nov. 8, 1917_ 402-403

America's war and America's opportunity 5-8
Anderson,a Chandler P., negot1ation of

arbitration treaties 34


of Alabama claims 9-10

of international disputes, development . 9-42
Armistice. World War, sec World War.#
Arthur, Chester A., see President of United


Anglo-Japanese alliance regarding . 242-246
Anglo-Russian treaty regarding . . 205-207


1nflux 1nto Europe from 59


annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina . 184, 207

armistice, Nov. 4, 1918 ^ 391-394

civilian population, feeding of .... 388
dismemberment not desired by United

States 97


Austria - H ungary— Conti nued.
nationality influenced by geographical

posit1on 65-67

peace proposals—

address of Count Czernin . . . 147-158
reply of President Wilson t, . . 159,163
relations with Italy at beginning of the

war . 185

suggested union of Poland with .... 151
treaties and agreements with—

Bulgaria, Germany, and Turkey, 1915 223
Germany, 1879 .... 176-178, 216-217
Germany and Russia, 1881 . . . 189-190
Great Britain regarding Mediterra-
nean :. . 186-188

Italy, 1882 178-179

Italy regarding Albania, 1897 .... 213
Italy regarding Balkans, 1009 . . 221-222
Russia regarding Balkans, 1897 . 197-200
war by U. S. against—

President recommends declaration . . 100

proclamation 103-105

see also Central Powers—Triple Alliance.

Background of the war 173-251

Balkan States:
attitude of Triple Alliance toward . 183-184


Austro-Italian agreement relating to,

19o9 . 221-222

Austro-Russian agreement relating to,

1897 197-200

Bosnia-Herzegovinian crisis . . . 184, 207
geography favors diverse nationalities . 76
Barclay, Sir Thomas, efforts in promoting

international arbitration 26

Becker, Carl L., article on German at-
tempts to divide Belgium . . 307-340

Activist movement . . . 326. 332, 333. 330
administrative division by Germany 322-331
delegates to Interallied Conference . . 371
German attempts to divide .... 307-340
Germany's pobcy toward . 308-311,334-340

history, bas1c facts 311-314


American policy 3°7

British policy 128

declaration of Allied Powers .... 409

reply of Baron Beyens 410

international arbitration resolution

adopted, 1875 13-M

lan^uagrs of # 314_315

nat1onality influenced by geographical

locat1on 64-05

see also Council of Flanders—Flemings
Benedictus XV, Pope:
peace proposal—

American reply 1-3

American reply approved by William
H. Taft 4

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