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RECENT WORKS ON JAPAN 465
Millis, Harry Alvin. The Japanese Problem in the United States; an in-
Mitford, Eustace Bruce, "Japan and the War," Fortnightly Review,
Nitobe, Inazo Ota. The Japanese Nation; its land, its people, and its life,
Porter, Robert Percival. Japan; The rise of a modern power. Oxford,
Scherer, James Augustin Brown. The Japanese Crisis. New York, Frederick
Sunderland, Jabez Thomas. Rising Japan; is she a menace or a comrade
Treat, Payson Jackson, "Japan and America," Review of Reviews, April, 1917.
Uyehara, George Etsujiro. The Political Development of Japan, 18671909. London, Constable & Co., 1910. xxiv, 296 p., tables. 23 cm. The work of an Engfch-educated Japanese scholar.
"Why Japan Has Not Sent a Force to Europe," Outlook, January 9, 1918.
THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
By Theodore Roosevelt
(Article published posthumously, in the Kansas City Star, January 13, 1p19.)
It is, of course, a serious misfortune that our people are not getting a clear idea of what is happening on the other side. For the moment the point as to which we are foggy is the League of Nations. We all of us earnestly desire such a League, only we wish to be sure that it will help and not hinder the cause of world peace and justice. There is not a young man in this country who has fought, or an old man who has seen those dear to him fight, who does not wish to minimize the chance of future war. But there is not a man of sense who does not know that in any such movement, if too much is attempted, the result is either failure or worse than failure.
The trouble with Mr. Wilson's utterances, so far as they are reported, and the utterances of acquiescence in them by European statesmen, is that they are still absolutely in the stage of rhetoric, precisely like the 14 points. Some of the 14 points will probably have to be construed as having a mischievous sentence, a smaller number might be construed as being harmless, and one or two even as beneficial, but nobody knows what Mr. Wilson really means by them, and so all talk of adopting them as the basis for a peace or league is nonsense, and, if the talker is intelligent, it is insincere nonsense to boot.
So Mr. Wilson's recent utterances give us absolutely no clew as to whether he really intends that at this moment we shall admit Russia, Germany, with which, incidentally, we are still waging war, Turkey, China and Mexico into the League on a full equality with ourselves. Mr. Taft has recently defined the purposes of
the League and the limitations under which it would act, in a way that enables most of us to say we very heartily agree in principle with his theory, and can, without doubt, come to an agreement on specific details.
Would it not be well to begin with the League which we actually have in existence—the League of the Allies who have fought through this great war? Let us at the peace table see that real justice is done as among these Allies, and that while the sternest reparation is demanded from our foe for such horrors as those committed in Belgium, northern France, Armenia, and the sinking of the Lusitania, nothing should be done in the spirit of mere vengeance.
Then let us agree to extend the privileges of the League as rapidly as their conduct warrants it to other nations, doubtless discriminating between those who would have a guiding part in the League and the weak nations who should be entitled to the guiding voice in the councils. Let each nation reserve to itself and for its own decision, and let it clearly set forth, questions which are nonjusticiable. Let nothing be done that will interfere with our preparing for our own defense by introducing a system of universal obligatory military training, modeled on the Swiss plan.
Finally, make it perfectly clear that we do not intend to take a position of an international Meddlesome Matty. The American people do not wish to go into an overseas war unless for a very great cause, and where the issue is absolutely plain. Therefore, we do not wish to undertake the responsibility of sending our gallant young men to die in obscure fights in the Balkans or in Central Europe, or in a war we do not approve of.
Moreover, the American people do not intend to give up the Monroe Doctrine. Let civilized Europe and Asia introduce some kind of police system in the weak and disorderly countries at their thresholds. But let the United States treat Mexico as our Balkan peninsula and refuse to allow European or Asiatic powers to interfere on this continent in any way that implies permanent or semi-permanent possession. Every one of our Allies will with delight grant this request if President Wilson chooses to make it, and it will be a great misfortune if it is not made.
I believe that such an effort, made moderately and sanely but sincerely and with utter scorn for words that are not made good by deeds, will be productive of real and lasting international good.
Abyssin1a, Anglo-French-Italian treaties
regarding, 1006 213-214
Afghanistan, Anglo-Russian treaty regard-
Agadir crisis, Anglo-French-Russian co-
Alabama claims, arbitration 0-10
Austro-Italian treaty regarding .... 213
position and national traits 75-76
Ail-Russian Council of Workmen's and
Oct. 20, 1917b 107-108
sec also Bolshcviki.
agreement not to conclude peace
agreement with Murman Regional
Austria-Hungary, Nov. 4, 1918 . 391-394
Turkey, Oct. 31, 1918 388-391
attitude toward Brest-Litovsk confer-
diplomatic unity of action .... 407-408
reply of Baron Bcyens 410
announcement of U. S 414-416
declaration of Japan 413-414
history of 428-430
war a1ms 117-139
sec also Supreme War Council.
British attitude toward 128-129
Germany's attitude toward .... 141-142
America's war and America's opportunity 5-8
arbitration treaties 34
of Alabama claims 9-10
of international disputes, development . 9-42
Anglo-Japanese alliance regarding . 242-246
1nflux 1nto Europe from 59
annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina . 184, 207
armistice, Nov. 4, 1918 ^ 391-394
civilian population, feeding of .... 388
Austria - H ungary— Conti nued.
address of Count Czernin . . . 147-158
war . 185
suggested union of Poland with .... 151
Bulgaria, Germany, and Turkey, 1915 223
Italy, 1882 178-179
Italy regarding Albania, 1897 .... 213
President recommends declaration . . 100
see also Central Powers—Triple Alliance.
Background of the war 173-251
Austro-Italian agreement relating to,
19o9 . 221-222
Austro-Russian agreement relating to,
Bosnia-Herzegovinian crisis . . . 184, 207
international arbitration 26
Becker, Carl L., article on German at-
Activist movement . . . 326. 332, 333. 330
history, bas1c facts 311-314
American policy 3°7
British policy 128
declaration of Allied Powers .... 409
reply of Baron Beyens 410
international arbitration resolution
adopted, 1875 13-M
lan^uagrs of # 314_315
nat1onality influenced by geographical
see also Council of Flanders—Flemings
American reply 1-3
American reply approved by William