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BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

Roquette-bu1sson, De. Du principe des nationalites. Paris, 1895.
Considers nationality as a factor in modern history.

Rose, John Holland. Nationality in Modern History. New York, The Mac-
millan Company, 1916. xi, 202 p. 19^ cm.
A study of the development of the idea of nationality.

Rosen, H. Die ethnographischen Verhaltnisse in den baltischen Provinzen und in Litauen. Pet. Mitt., 1915, pp. 329-33.

The German viewpoint on the composition and tendencies of the population in northwestern Russia.

Rosendal, Hans. The problem of Danish Slesvig, a question for the British Empire. London, 1916.

Examines the problem of the Danish-German frontier.

Sanchez De Toca, J. Rcgionalismo, Municipalismo y Centralization. Madrid, 1907.

Deals with Spain's internal problems of satisfying its national elements.

Sands, B. The Ukraine. London, 1914.
A brief description of the region and its people.

Saxen, R. Repartition des langues. Fennia, Vol. 30 (1910-1911).

, . Atlas de Finlande, Carte No. 46. Helsingfors, 1911.

Shows linguistic distribution in Finland.

Schrader, F. F. Prudent et E. Anthoine. Atlas de Geographic Moderne. Paris, 1908.

A standard for reference.

Sembratov1ch, R. Le Tsarisme et l'Ukraine. Avec Preface de Bjoemstjerne Bjoernson. Paris, 1907.

An early presentation of a nationalist problem now recognized as important. Semple, E. C. Influences of Geographic Environment. New York, 1911. A standard of value to show the relation between history and geography.

Serg1, G. Europa—L'origine dei popoli europei e loro relazioni coi popoli d'Africa, d'Asia e d'Oceania. Rome, 1908.

A highly valuable work showing the penetration into Europe of the Mediterranean race.

Serpa P1mentel, Anton1o D1. Questioni di politica positiva della nazionalita e del governo rappresentativo. 1881. Traduzione dal portoghese di un italiano in Portogallo. 1882. Torino, G. Derossi, 1883. 251 p. 20 cm.

Seymour, C. The Diplomatic Background of the War 1870-1914. New Haven, 1916.

Important account of international relations during this period.

Shedd, W1ll1am A. The Syrians of Persia and Turkey. Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc., Vol. 35 (1903).

Describes the Christian population of this border zone.

SrR1Anu, R. La Question de Transylvanie et l'Unit£ Politique Roumaine. Paris, 1916.

Contends that Rumania should comprise all Rumanian peoples and lands.

Sol1man1, Anton1o. II dominio straniero e il principe delle nazionalita; studi storici e filosofici. Bologna, Tipografia delle Scienze, 1859. 304, [3] p. 24 cm. One of the best known of the Italian books dealing with nationality as a political matter.

Stat1st1qcte de la Belgique. Recensement general de 1910, Vol. 2 (1912), Vol. 3 (1913), Brussels. Official publication.

Ste1n, Ludw1g. Weltburgertum Nationalstaat und internationale Verstandigung. Nach einem Vortrag, gehalten am 16. Mai 1913 auf dem II. Kongress des internationalen Studentenvereins zu Leipzig. Breslau, Schlesische Buchdruckerei, 1913.

Stephen, H. M. Nationality and History. Amer. Hist. Rev., Jan., 1916.

The merits and deficiencies of the belief in nationality are presented as a preliminary to the idea that humanity and its claims stand above nationality.

Stoddard, Theodore Lothrop. Present-Day Europe. Its National States of
Mind. New York, The Century Company, 1917. 322 p. 21 cm.
A review of national aspirations as developing in the war.

Sturdza, A. La Terre et la Race Roumaines. Paris, 1904.

, . La Roumanie et les Roumains. Paris, 1910.

Shows the historical validity of Roumanian aspirations for the union of extra-territorial Rumanians.

Sw1tzerland. Atlas grapbique et statistique de la Suisse. Dfipartement Ffdexale de rinteneur. Berne, 1914.

Official description of the distribution of the elements of Swiss nationality.

Troin1tsky, N. Premier recensement general de population de l'Empire de la Russie 1897. St. Petersburg, 1905.

An analysis of the census setting forth the motley character of the Russian population.

Tsanoff, R. A. Bulgaria's R61e in the Balkans. J own. of Race Development, Jan., 1915.

Reviews Bulgarian progress and influence.

Vallaux, Cam1lle. Le Sol et l'fitat, Geographie Sociale. Paris, 1911.
Discusses the relations between the land and society.

V1nogradov, Paul. Self-Government in Russia. New York, 1916.
A work by the Corpus professor of jurisprudence at Oxford University.

Wace, A. J. B., and Thompson, M. S. The Nomads of the Balkans. London, 1914.

The description of a journey among the Rumanians of northern Greece.

Wall1s, B. C. Distribution of Nationalities in Hungary. Geogr. Journ., Vol. 47 (1916), pp. 177-189.

A successful attempt to delimit the areas inhabited by Rumanians in Hungary.

Waultr1n, M. R. Le rapprochement Dano-Allemand et la question du Schleswig. Ann. Sc. Pol., 1903.

An account of the improvement in political relations between Denmark and Germany.

We1gand. Linguistischer Atlas. Leipzig, 1909.
Deals with areal spread of Rumanian language.

We1ll, G. L'Alsace Francaise de 1789 i 1870. Paris, 1916.

The fundamental character of French influence in Alsace is brought out.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 93

Xenopol, A. D. Les Roumains au Moyen-Age. Paris, 1885. Histoire dea Roumains de la Dacie Trajane. Paris, 1896.

Historical investigations on the origin and development of Rumanian communities in Hungary.

Young, George. Nationalism and War in the Near East. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1915- (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division ot Economics and History.)

Useful review of Balkan events by a British diplomat thoroughly familiar with tht. territory.

Zs1gkond, B. A Magyar Szentkorona orszagainak neprajzi iskolai fali Tlrkepe. 1:600,000. Budapest, 1909.

The distribution of peoples in Hungary is shown in great detail on this map.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S ANNUAL ADDRESS TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 4, 1917'

Gentlemen Of The Congress: Eight months have elapsed since I last had the honor of addressing you. They have been months crowded with events of immense and grave significance for us. I shall not undertake to detail or even to summarize those events. The practical particulars of the part we have played in them will be laid before you in the reports of the executive departments. I shall discuss only our present outlook upon these vast affairs, our present duties and the immediate means of accomplishing the objects we shall hold always in view. I shall not go back to debate the causes of the war. The intolerable wrongs done and planned against us by the sinister masters of Germany have long since become too grossly obvious and odious to every true American to need to be rehearsed. But I shall ask you to consider again and with a very grave scrutiny our objectives and the measures by which we mean to attain them; for the purpose of discussion here in this place is action, and our action must move straight toward definite ends.

Our object is, of course, to win the war; and we shall not slacken or suffer ourselves to be diverted until it is won. But it is worth while asking and answering the question, When shall we consider the war won?

NATION UNITED IN SPIRIT AND INTENTION

From one point of view it is not necessary to broach this fundamental matter. I do not doubt that the American people know what the war is about and what sort of an outcome they will regard as a realization of their purpose in it. As a Nation we are united in spirit and intention. I pay little heed to those who tell me otherwise. I hear the voices of dissent—who does not? I hear the criticism and the clamor of the noisily thoughtless and troublesome. I also see men here and there fling themselves in impotent disloyalty against the calm, indomitable power of the Nation. I hear men debate peace who understand neither its nature nor the way in which we may attain it with uplifted eyes and unbroken

'The subheads inserted in the address are reprinted from The Official Bulletin.

MENACE OF COMBINED INTRIGUE AND FORCE

spirits. But I know that none of these speaks for the Nation. They do not touch the heart of anything. They may safely be left to strut their uneasy hour and be forgotten.

But from another point of view I believe that it is necessary to say plainly what we here at the seat of action consider the war to be for and what part we mean to play in the settlement of its searching issues. We are the spokesmen of the American people, and they have a right to know whether their purpose is ours. They desire peace by the overcoming of evil, by the defeat once for all of the sinister forces that interrupt peace and render it impossible, and they wish to know how closely our thought runs with theirs and what action we propose. They are impatient with those who desire peace by any sort of compromise,—deeply and indignantly impatient,—but they will be equally impatient with us if we do not make it plain to them what our objectives are and what we are planning for in seeking to make conquest of peace by arms.

MENACE OF COMBINED INTRIGUE AND FORCE

I believe that I speak for them when I say two things: First, that this intolerable thing of which the masters of Germany have shown us the ugly face, this menace of combined intrigue and force which we now see so clearly as the German power, a thing without conscience or honor or capacity for covenanted peace, must be crushed, and, if it be not utterly brought to an end, at least shut out from the friendly intercourse of the nations; and, second, that when this thing and its power are indeed defeated and the time comes that we can discuss peace,—when the German people have spokesmen whose word we can believe and when those spokesmen are ready in the name of their people to accept the common judgment of the nations as to what shall henceforth be the basis of law and of covenant for the life of the world—we shall be willing and glad to pay the full price for peace, and pay it ungrudgingly. We know what that price will be. It will be full, impartial justice—justice done at every point and to every nation that the final settlement must affect, our enemies as well as our friends.

VOICES OF HUMANITY DATLY MORE AUDIBLE

You catch, with me, the voices of humanity that are in the air. They . grow daily more audible, more articulate, more persuasive, and they come from the hearts of men everywhere. They insist that the war shall not end in vindictive action of any kind; that no nation or people shall be

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