heartily rejoice to see this way, the beloved Colonel Washington, and do not doubt the New-England generals would acquiesce in showing to our sister colony, Virginia, the respect which she has before experienced from the continent, in making him generalissimo." The President of the Congress, (Hancock,) on the eighteenth of that month, wrote to him:

"I cannot inform you of the doings of Congress in general, being under an injunction; but I am thus far indulged to mention, but by no means to be put in the newspaper at present, Colonel Washington is appointed commander in chief of the continental army: I shall sign his commission to-morrow, and he will depart in a few days. He is a fine man. You will judge of the propriety of the mode of his reception. Ten companies of riflemen from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Vir ginia, are ordered to proceed immediately to your army; these are clever fellows."

There is a letter of the same date from John Adams, wherein the truly fine man is also mentioned, thus

"There is something charming to me, in the conduct of Washington. A gentleman of one of the first fortunes upon the continent, leaving his delicious retirement, his family and friends, sacrificing bis ease, and hazarding all in the cause of his country! His views are noble and disinterested. He declared, when he accepted the mighty trust, that he would lay before us an exact account of his expenses, and not accept a shilling for pay.'

It is pleasing to learn thus, what impressions the character and conduct of Washington made at that epoch, upon the minds of the northern statesmen. The feelings of those with or near whom he acted, after he had passed somewhat more than two years in his chief command, are justly stated by General Knox, in the following terms, in a letter to Gerry.

"It is a matter of consequence, that those in the senate should be well acquainted with the sentiments that pervade the army and community at large. The prepossessions of the army in favour of the character hinted at, are founded upon a thorough experience of his ability, judgment, courage and attachment, and they would infinitely prefer him before a Turenne or a Condé. Every military character on this continent, taken collectively, vanishes before him; and he is not only a soldier, but a patriot in the fullest sense of the word; and as it is impossible truly to describe a living character, it must be left to posterity to do him ample justice."

As there is no name of equal lustre, in general, in all history, so there is no other of which the details are universally and brilliantly reputable. From his youth he excited more or less of admiration in every individual with whom he came into contact: Since his death, no act or trait has been revealed, which throws the least shade upon his fame.

Gerry first proposed in the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, the appointment of a committee to prepare a law to encourage the fitting out of armed vessels, and to establish a court for the trial and condemnation of prizes; and as chairman of that committee, he contributed materially to the accomplishment of all its ends. Mr. Austin remarks, that the law which was reported, and passed on the 10th of November 1775, was the first ac

tual avowal of offensive hostility against the mother country, and the first effort to establish an American naval armament. The late President Adams called it Mr. Gerry's law, describing it at the same time, as "one of the boldest, most dangerous, and most important measures, in the history of the new world." In a letter dated 1813, from the same patriot, to Mr. Gerry, we find the following curious passage.

"Philadelphia is now boasting that Paul Jones has asserted in his journal, that his hand hoisted the first American flag; and Captain Barry has asserted that the first British flag was struck to him. Now I assert that the first American flag was hoisted by John Manly, (of Massachusetts) and the first British flag was struck to him."

In November 1775, courts were established by the authority of the province of Massachusetts, and the lucrative post of maritime judge was offered to Mr. Gerry, but declined, lest it should obstruct the performance of his general political duties, to which he continued to devote himself with indefatigable zeal. At this period of the Life, a correspondence between him and Samuel Adams is introduced, much of which is characteristic, particularly of the latter politician. The annexed excerpts are passages of some of Adams's letters.

66

Corrupt men may be kept out of places of public trust; the utmost circumspection I hope will be used in the choice of men for public officers. It is to be expected that some who are void of the least regard to the public, will put on the appearance and even speak boldly the language of patriots, with the sole purpose of gaining the confidence of the public, and securing the loaves and fishes for themselves or their sons or other connexions. Men who stand candidates for public posts, should be critically traced in their views and pretensions, and though we would despise mean and base suspicion, there is a degree of jealousy which is absolutely necessary in this degenerate state of mankind, and is indeed at all times to be considered as a political virtue."

*

“After all, virtue is the surest means of securing the public liberty. I hope you will improve the golden opportunity of restoring the ancient purity of principles and manners in our country. Every thing that we do, or ought to esteem valuable, depends upon it. For freedom or slavery, says an admired writer, will prevail in a country according as the disposition and manners of the inhabitants render them fit for the one or the other."

"Whatever kind of men may be denominated enemies to their country, certainly he is a very injudicious friend to it, who gives his suffrage for any man to fill a public office, merely because he is rich; and yet you tell me there are recent instances of this in our government. I confess it mortifies me greatly. The giving such a preference to riches is both dishonourable and dangerous to a government. It is indeed equally dangerous to promote a man to a place of public trust only because he wants bread, but I think it is not so dishonourable; for men may be influenced to the latter from the feelings of humanity, but the other argues a base, degenerate, servile temper of mind. I hope our country will never see the time, when either riches or the want of them, will be the leading considerations in the choice of public officers."

In the same chapter, the biographer has stated some interesting particulars of the routine and habits of the new councils.

"The members lived in the families of the inhabitants of Watertown, and held their daily sessions in the meeting house on the plain. The Congress opened early, and adjourned for an hour to give the members time to dine at one o'clock.

Two sessions were usually held every day, and committees were often engaged till midnight. The time which could be caught from such fatiguing duty without neglecting it, might well be devoted to rational diversion.

"A gentleman, who paid any attention to his toilet, would have his hair combed out, as is represented in our frontispiece, powdered and tied in a long queue, a plaited white stock, a shirt ruffled at the bosom and over the hands, and fastened at the wrist with gold sleeve buttons, a peach bloom coat and white buttons, lined with white silk, and standing off at the skirts with buckram, a figured silk vest divided at the bottom, so that the pockets extended on the thighs, black silk small clothes with large gold or silver knee buckles, white cotton or silk stockings, large shoes with short quarters and buckles to match. This dress, sketched from the wardrobe of a member, was not peculiarly appropriate to occasions of ceremony, but assumed with more or less exactness by the fashionable gentlemen of the day.

"The full bottomed wig, the red roquelot, and the gold headed cane, which are seen in some of our ancient pictures, belonged to an earlier period, and were at that time the appropriate habiliments of persons distinguished for their age and wealth."

"At the period referred to, great deference was paid to years, more to family, and not less to fortune. Ancient habits could not at once be changed, and the forms of a society, which had been regulated by provincial imitation of English manners, continued to prevail. It was the effect of the revolution to break down these artificial distinctions, and to show that a man's influence should not be in proportion to family or wealth, but to the character of his mind and the motives of his conduct."

In the beginning of the year 1776, Mr. Gerry was elected a delegate from Massachusetts to the Continental Congress, in which he took his seat without delay. As a member of that body, he became scarcely less useful and conspicuous than he had been in the assembly of his native province. The reputation which he carried with him, ushered him into all the committees of highest importance. He had a principal share in the regulation of the financial concerns of the confederation, which are well detailed by Mr. Austin. On the cardinal subject of a Declaration of Independence, his feelings and resolves may be understood by the subjoined passages of his letters from Philadelphia, to Warren and Hawley.

"You are desirous of knowing what capital measures are proposed in congress. I refer you to colonel Orne for what is done concerning privateering, and I hope soon that all your ports will be open and a free trade be allowed with all nations. This will not in itself satisfy you, and I hope nothing will, short of a determination of America to hold her rank in the creation, and give law to herself. I doubt not this will soon take place, and am sure New-England will not be satisfied with less, since not only the government but the people of Great Britain are corrupt and destitute of public virtue."

"I think it may be demonstrated that the eastern district alone is able of itself to declare independency. The colony of South Carolina have behaved nobly in taking up government, choosing a governor, &c.; and the convention of North Carolina have unanimously voted to follow their example.

"Virginia is always to be depended upon; and so fine a spirit prevails among them, that unless you send some of your cool patriots among them, they may be for declaring independency before Congress is ready."

"In this colony (Pennsylvania) the spirit of the people is great, if a judgment is to be formed by appearances. They are well convinced of the injury their as sembly has done to the continent by their instructions to their delegates. It was these instructions which induced the middle colonies and some of the southern

to backward every measure which had the appearance of independency; to them is owing the delay of Congress in agitating questions of the greatest importance, which long ere now must have terminated in a separation from Great Britain: to them is owing the disadvantages we now experience for want of a full supply of every necessary for carrying on the war. Alliances might have been formed, and a diversion been given to the enemy's arms in Europe or the West Indies, had these instructions never appeared. But they have had their effect; and while we endeavour to recover the continent from the ill consequences of such feeble politics, we ought to show the cause of such miserable policy. It appears to me, that the eyes of every unbeliever, are now open; that all are sensible of the perfidy of Great Britain, and are convinced there is no medium between unqualified submission and actual independency. The colonies are determined on the latter. A final declaration is approaching with great rapidity. May the all-wise Disposer of events so direct our affairs that they may terminate in the salvation of these afflicted colonies.

"Amidst all our difficulties you would be highly diverted to see the situation of our moderate gentlemen.' They have been more apprehensive of evils than any others, as we have frequently observed, and they have now the mortification to find that their measures for avoiding, have but served to increase them. I sometimes think that Providence permitted them to clog the affairs of the colonies, that they may become in some degree desperate, and thus introduce into the circle of determined men those timid beings, whose constitution never admits of their defending freedom on the noblest principles, and are afterwards obliged to meet danger by the same motives that induced them to shun it."

With regard to the part which he bore in the discussion, in Congress, of the measure of separation, we have this testimony from the late venerable President Adams.

"Yes, Mr. Gerry made several speeches, but one in particular, in which he laid out his whole soul. He did not rank as an orator with Richard Henry Lee, but he poured out his reasons with an energy and fervour that spoke the honest conviction of his mind. Yes, we felt obliged to him for his services in debate. There was an honesty and sincerity about him that was better than the thunder of Demosthenes."

It would be superfluous and oppressive to specify the various labours of the Massachusetts delegate in connexion with the committees. The circumstance of his having been deputed by Congress, several times, to confer with General Washington on the situation and wants of the army, has afforded an occasion for the insertion of an instructive correspondence on those heads, and respecting the military system of the commander. Mr. Austin fully refutes the assertion of Carlo Botta, that the delegates of Massachusetts were "far from approving the moderation of the general-in-chief." He seems to be warranted, too, in affirming the existence of abundant evidence that no feeling of hostility was entertained by Gerry to Washington, and that the illustrious leader "reposed with full security on his esteem, friendship, and unremitted support."

Mr. Gerry participated in the debates on the articles of confederation, and according to his biographer, contributed very much to their final adoption. From his first entrance into Congress, until the organization of the Treasury Board in 1780, he continued to be a member, and was generally chairman, of the

committee of the treasury. Mr. Austin represents the tasks which he performed as herculean, and adds, that "it would seem from the files of his papers, that every person in every part of the continent, who had any business with Congress, felt at liberty to address him, and nobody wrote him without the civility of a reply." When, in the spring of 1779, Congress undertook to arrange a commission for negotiating peace, the Massachusetts delegate brought forward a series of important propositions for the security of the northern fisheries. They were strongly and pertinaciously opposed by the Southern members, and as strenuously supported by the whole representation of New-England. In fifteen divisions of the house, on questions by ayes and noes, the majority adhered to the original propositions, and rejected every alteration that was moved; but a resolution was finally substituted and carried, declaring that the guarantee of a common right to the fisheries was not to be made an ultimatum. Although the immediate aim of Mr. Gerry could not be compassed, Mr. Austin expresses the opinion, that the facts which his motion drew forth, were not without a material effect when the treaty of peace was concluded. Towards the end of 1779, delegates were appointed by several states to meet at Philadelphia as a convention, for the purpose of devising some corrective of the sad condition of the currency. Mr. Gerry was at the head of the commission chosen by Massachusetts;-but the evil required other remedies than the system which the associated states had in view. In his capacity of presiding officer of the Treasury board, he rendered himself particularly invidious to General Arnold, whose extravagant accounts he rejected with a spirit which deserves to be admired, since Arnold was then, as Mr. Austin truly observes, "known only as a gallant soldier, whose skill and courage had been conspicuously exerted for his country, and the liberality with which such talents and activity were then readily rewarded, inclined men to a favourable consideration of his claims." To his abusive appeal to Congress, Mr. Gerry replied, first exhibiting calmly the reasons of his decision on his accounts, but concluding with a severe reprehension of the conduct of his assailant. "If," said he, "the faithful discharge of an official duty, unpleasant enough in itself, is to bring with it the liability of personal attack from men who have neither honesty in their public dealings nor courtesy in private life, it might be well to abolish all guards on the treasury, and admit rapacity and crime to help themselves at pleasure." This was intrepid language at the period, and must be sound doctrine at all times. Arnold quitted Philadelphia, defeated and incensed, for the theatre where he consummated the treason which he may be affirmed to have begun in endeavouring to defraud his country of a portion of those scanty means which she critically needed.