would still be desirable to organize the country printer. There is no danger of becoming too strong; we can easily stand all the power of numbers and money that it is possible for us to attain under the best efforts we can make.

The matter of organization is upon us now as the most important question for discussion. It is plain that under present systems we are not progressing as we might, and we have a right not to rest satisfied with anything less than the best it is possible for us to attain. Let us place our standard up high and get there. I know many think it an impossible feat to accomplish the organization of the whole country, and it must be admitted that it is a huge undertaking; but I be lieve it none too huge for us to successfully cope with if we go about it united upon some intelligent plan of action.

I have a plan to propose which I believe would result very favorably. It will appear in the next issue of the JOURW. W. GRIFFEY.

NAL.

Youngstown, O.

Linotype Machinists and the Typo Union. The true relation of the linotype machinist to the typographical union and the operator is a subject which I have never seen discussed through the columns of our sparkling JOURNAL. That it is an important one in these days of mechanical typesetting, none can gainsay. Just now it occurs to me that the linotype machinist practically holds in his hands the fate of the operator who may be so unfortunate as to be involved in a strike. At present a linotype machinist, in order to hold a position in a strictly union office, must be a member of the local machinists' union. So far as this goes, it is well. But the question presents itself, in the event of trouble in the office in which he is employed, would he and his organization make the grievance of the operators his cause and his fight, as is materially essential to the success of the operators? Perhaps and perhaps not.

It is a woeful truth that labor organizations do not always stand shoulder to shoulder in the frequent skirmishes between labor and capital, but more often maintain a phlegmatic indifference to the struggles of their fellows-as witness the great American Railway Union strike of a few years ago. And again, could the typographical union, which frowns on so-called "sympathy strikes," consistently ask the co-operation of men whom they can in no wise protect and who receive no benefits from our organization?

Did the machinists' union decide that the quarrel of the operators was no concern of theirs, the fight is surely lost for the operators. A force of beginners, or even green hands, under the watchful eye of the expert machinist, could, with long hours and a liberal use of the standing miscellany with which every office is usually well stocked for alleged "emergencies," accomplish enough to get the sheet out in some shape.

Without the machinist, however, nothing could be done. In an hour every machine would be "down," and in all probability the strike at an end. Good machinists who thoroughly understand the intricacies of the wonderful Mergenthaler, can not, especially in the smaller cities, be had at a moment's notice.

In the opinion of several linotype machinists, both in this and other cities, with whom I have discussed this question, the machinists should be given a charter similar to those heretofore held by the bookbinders, pressmen, and other allied trades workers. They should pay a per capita tax to the International Typographical Union and receive the same benefits granted to operators and other members of the International. This need not necessarily annul their membership in the machinists' union.

I should like to have the views of others on this subject. H. L. F. Elmira, N. Y.

It is as much a species of false measurement for one to make too little of himself as too much.

gamation of the pressmen in New York. The basis of settlement is as follows: All pressmen belonging to old No. 16 and the Franklin Association to join No. 51, commonly known as the Adams and Cylinder Union, and all feeders and helpers and job pressmen to join a new local to be chartered by the International Printing Pressmen's Union. It is understood by all familiar with the affair that the Adams and cylinder pressmen will in future control all pressmen in their line and the Franklin Association all feeders, helpers and job pressmen. All who have

and deserves the congratulations he has received on the result of his successful efforts in this the last fight-among the pressmen.

The State Federation of Labor convention was held in Albany, January 14, the delegation from No. 6 being Messrs. J. F. Weber, R. Dawson and J. F. Bogart. Mr. Weber, as chairman, reported the good work that had been done, especially the efforts being made to establish a state printing office. Mr. John Bogart was elected state organizer.

On January 21 the State Workingmen's

Assembly convened at Albany, the delegates from No. 6 being E. F. Farrell, J. H. Clark and your humble servant. The delegation was very cordially received, and were the recipients of many favors. Mr. Farrell was on the committee on resolutions and reported them to the body. He was busily employed from start to finish and won the esteem of the members, who at the close elected him secretary of the assembly. Three labor bodies have conventions in Albany-the Knights of Labor, State Federation of Labor and State Workingmen's Assembly. The object of the latter is mainly to procure legislation favorable to labor. It has been thought that one great convention composing the three, and one large legislative committee, instead of three, would be more effective than at present. Each party has appointed a committee, and they will meet together for the purpose of uniting if possible. Space forbids me from further enlarging on the above.

The event of the season, Big Six's ball, will be held on March 16, and promises to excel all previous ones, special efforts being made to make it a success. There will be no room for a quibble-music, printing, waiters, cigars, etc., will all be unmistakably union. It would be a good place to start label agitation.

The book and job branch had a very enthusiastic meeting Monday, January 20, about one hundred being present. Lively discussions took place regarding the working of the scale and the conduct of chapels, also union legislation. An election of three committeemen took place, Messrs. Maxwell, Lenahan and Lovedale being those chosen. W. H. Terry was elected secretary and John H. Maxwell re-elected chairman. A dinner is to be held on the anniversary of the branch, and it promises to be a grand success. The complimentary dinner to President Donnelly was a superb affair, but, if matters turn out as they appear, the dinner of the branch will eclipse it.

One chapel has ordered twenty-five tickets and another I know of will have at least twenty, the idea being that chapels so disposed can sit together.

There have been two ballots on the out-of-work question, the one getting the highest vote on the first occasion receiving the lowest number of votes on the second occasion-neither plan, on each occasion, received occasion, received a majority. The president was instructed to appoint a committee to draw up another plan and submit it to the union, and a one-percent. assessment was levied for the benefit of the unemployed.

New York.

JAMES H. MARTIN.

The Land Question Again. Frank H. Dinsmore, of Galveston, is much wrought up over what he calls the "iniquitous, usurious, competitive system of doing business," and in the JOURNAL of December 16 shows how little he knows about the land question when he asserts that he could make the people of the world pay tribute to him if he had a monopoly of the world's money. In a recent number of this paper I pointed out the importance of the land question over that of money, and stated that land was a necessity and money a convenience, and if we had an ideal system of money the benefit would go to the land-owners under present conditions. "Give me all the money in the world," said an objector once, "and you may have all the land." And this was the answer of the singletaxer: "The first thing I should do would be to order you to give me your money or get off my land."

The coal combine exists because the coal barons own great areas of coal land which is taxed as agricultural land and at such a low assessment that these monopolists are able to hold it out of use, thereby preventing the employment of labor and the investment of capital. If unused coal land was free to those willing to put it to use, there would be no coal combine. If unused grazing land was

free to those who desired to raise cattle to supply beef to the millions, there would be no big four beef combine. If we had free trade and the single-tax there would be no sugar trust. If we had the single-tax there would be no whisky trust, for these trusts and combines are made possible by the monopoly of land. or by special privileges granted by the government. The railroad, telegraph, telephone and all other monopolies rest on land and could not exist were it not for the use of land. If taxing land values will not kill these monopolies we will have to adopt government ownership.

In California in 1849 wages increased to as much per day as many skilled mechanics now receive in a week. This was because of the discovery of gold on unused and unappropriated land. Did the capitalist in these days have it in his power to dictate the rate of wages he would pay to laborers or the number of hours they should work? I should say not. Neither would the capitalists of Pittsburg have been able to refuse eight hours to their printers had there been no idle printers to take the places of the strikers. Under the conditions which the single-tax would bring about the Typothetæ would have to do justice to the "hands" they hired. So long as there are idle laborers to take the places of men and women on strike so long will strikes be unsuccessful or only half so, for a person prefers to be a scab rather than a corpse.

Mr. Dinsmore makes the error of classing capitalists and monopolists as the same, particularly if they are engaged in a productive industry which is a monopoly. There is Pullman and Vanderbilt, one with a monopoly on the construction of Pullman palace cars and the other with a monopoly on the ownership of railroads.

The Texas critic of the single-tax says if there is to be an iniquity abolished like the liquor traffic it is taxed. If taxing whisky makes whisky harder to get-and it does is not the effect of taxing houses, goods and all labor products the same?

By taxing land values it makes land cheaper and easier to get. Increased population requires more taxation. Increased population causes increase in the value of land. Is not the increased value of land in every way suited to satisfy the increased demand for taxes? As government is for the whole people, why should not the necessary expenses of government be defrayed from a value (ground rent) which the whole people collectively contribute to create?

When a person can not see that the single-tax must be first adopted before the benefits which other reforms would bring to the people, then I suspect he has read single-tax literature as if it was intended to be read as some people read fictiononly peruse that part which pleases. The single-tax must be studied in order to have a thorough understanding of the same.

Mr. Dinsmore tells us that Karl Marx's book, "Capital," is the bible of the socialists of Europe, but does not state if he regards it as his bible. I merely refer to this because there are nearly as many varieties of socialism as there are socialists, and I should like to know where to place him. Moses did well to command that when a poor brother is in need he should be relieved, and that if we loaned him money we should charge no usury. Why should we? If he is old and decrepit as well as poor, we can not well expect him to earn even enough to return to us what he was given. Had Mr. Dinsmore and I started in life together with equal chances for success, both earning the same wages and our conditions similar, he saving all he could over a bare living and I spending all I made, until I concluded to perhaps start in business myself. I go to him and borrow his accumulated wealth. It may be in the shape of a building or machinery. I use the same and pay him what is known as interest. Is he not entitled to it? It is his as against the whole world. By his labor he produced it. To ask him to let me have the use of it without compensat

ing him would be the same as to ask him to work without wages. If some men are now able to accumulate great wealth it is because of some special privilege which they enjoy, whereby they can take from labor what it produces. Under conditions of justice and equal rights men would get all they produced, and that would mean an equitable distribution of wealth. When such a condition prevailed there would be a great majority who could loan and a very few who would want to borrow. What would be the rate of interest where one hundred men could loan and only one wanted to borrow? If capitalists can exploit labor to such an extent, why is it that so many capitalists who go into business become bankrupt?

As Mr. Dinsmore places much reliance on the Bible without giving book, chapter or verse, I commend to his perusal Leviticus xxv, 23; Psalm cxv, 16; Psalm xxiv, 1; Ecclesiastes v, 9; Isaiah v, 8. Can he justify landlordism after reading the foregoing verses? W. L. CROSMAN. Boston, Mass.

Queer Justice in Texas.

The printers of Texas have had some dealings with Dame Justice lately, and have about reached the conclusion that the old lady is deaf and dumb, as well as blind.

The Texas law in regard to state printing reads as follows: "The board of public printing is authorized and required to contract as hereinafter prescribed, with some suitable person or persons, who shall be resident of this state, to print and bind the laws and journals of the senate and house of representatives, and do such other printing as may be required by law," etc.

The printing of Texas, if confined to the state, would give employment to over a hundred people and cause the expenditure of several thousand dollars.

A few years ago bids were advertised for printing the supreme and appellate court reports. Hutchings, of Austin, was the lowest bidder, and he proposed to have the work done outside the state. The

printing board took the view that the sentence "who shall be resident of this state' meant that the work should also be performed in the state. Hutchings threw up his contract and it was awarded to Clarke & Courts, of Galveston, Texas, the next lowest bidder. The state then entered suit against Hutchings for non-performance of contract, and, after dragging through the halls of justice for some time the district judge rendered a decision in favor of Hutchings.

About the time of this decision bids for printing the revised statutes were advertised for and Hutchings was again the lowest bidder, with the proviso that he would have the work done outside the state. The printers secured the legal services of Mr. James Breeding, of Houston, appealed from the decision of the district judge, and entered a vigorous protest against the work going out of the state until a court of last resort had been tried. tried. The board of public printing concluded to advertise for new bids.

The case was then taken to the court of appeals and that august body decided in effect that the printing could be done in Kamchatka, if the inhabitants of that far-away village could work for less than Texas printers. The supreme court was next tried, and rendered a like decision.

Before the decision of the supreme court had been reached, however, the new bids advertised for had been opened and it was found that a rat firm of Austin had made the lowest bid. As said firm is not prepared to do the printing, it will go to a Chinese-Cheap-John shop of like character in some far-away clime, the rat contractor will pocket a fat profit, and the home printers will get nothing. As Texas printers pay taxes for support of the state government, and, incidentally, help to pay for the state printing, it looks very much like they are contributing to their own destruction.

The printers of Texas made a gallant fight, but it is evident that the minds of the legal and printing fraternities of the state do not run in the same channel. One