you are striving for will, I believe, be fully realized.

Appreciating the opportunity I now have of standing before such a body, I would ask you to grant me the privilege of talking very frankly on a subject which vitally touches the American-Japanese relations. I do not intend to dwell upon the Japanese-California question. That local question will solve itself, when the more fundamental problem is settled by the American people. What I would like to invite your attention to for a moment is the treatment and protection of aliens in your country, especially the Japanese now domiciled here. This subject should not be confounded with the immigration question. So far as Japan is concerned, her policy with regard to immigration of her subjects into this country was definitely settled in 1907, when she entered into the socalled "Gentleman's Agreement" with the American Government. That compact, although it was made under the stress of the San Francisco school incident, was the outcome of far-sighted statesmanship. Viewed from the high standpoint of her imperial interest, Japan saw the wisdom of avoiding the cause of international friction with America which would go to jeopardize her vital interests involved in the AmericanJapanese trade. How important this trade is to Japan is evident from the fact that it constitutes one-third of her foreign commerce and that the United States has always been the best customer of Japan's staple products-silk, tea and art objects.

ence on

To safeguard this commercial interest and to foster its growth would then be of far greater and more practical value to Japan than an insistan academic principle of freedom of egress for her subjects to any part of the world or the benefits that might accrue from the incoming of a few thousands of Japanese laborers into this land. So long, therefore, as the cause of international friction arising out of the presence of a large number of Japanese laborers remains active, we may rest assured that the "Gentleman's Agreement" will be rigidly kept. In fact, for the past ten years it has been most faithfully lived up to, as is sufficiently proved by the decrease rather than the increase of Japanese residents since 1907. These considerations cannot be too strongly presented to the American public, for there are some American publicists and lawmakers who are constantly harping upon their own assumption that Japan is bent to force the issue of unrestricted immigration of her subjects into this land. Japan wants nothing of the kind. I can definitely assert that in all the AmericanJapanese negotiations there has not been a single instance where attempt was made to augment the number of immigrants.

What I am referring to is, then, the treatment and protection of a small number of my compatriots now residing in your country. We all have come in obedience to and under protection of the existing treaty between the two countries. Strangely enough, however, we are not all

treated and protected alike. Those who are lucky enough to live east of the Rockies are most hospitably and royally treated by Americans. Such, however, is not the case with those who happen to live on the Pacific coast. They not only receive sometimes harsh treatment, but there have been instances when they were deprived of some rights and privileges which are accorded to other aliens and to the Japanese also who reside in more happy quarters. Could such an unfair dispensation of justice and unequal treatment of aliens be possible in the realm where the Star Spangled Banner waves with equal dignity and power over all parts? This is totally incomprehensible to those Japanese who are not conversant with the peculiar nature of the American Constitution. Whatever may be the difficulties surrounding the amendment of that venerable document, is it not high time for the American people to devise means so as to unify the method of fulfilling their international obligations and of dispensing equal justice to all aliens? It would be preposterous for a foreigner to suggest any measure for the solution of the trouble. We can depend with utmost confidence upon the resourcefulness of American statesmanship and the inborn sense of justice of the Amer

some

“This nation is now the great creditor of the earth. She is ready to extend financial privileges to the nations of the world in exchange for opportunities of trade. We will advance for credit from the nations of the world on the basis of mutual friendships and extend credit of trust in the conduct of people and faith in the undertakings of na

ican people. That something must be done to mend the anomalous situation will, however, admit no doubt. It is reported that one of the States of the Union is now contemplating to enact the same kind of Anti-Alien Land Law, which once strained the American-Japanese relations. If this kind of pinpricking is often repeated, I fear the time may come when the rulers of Japan cannot restrain the people. And Japan, you know, is becoming more and more democratic and the power of the people is daily increasing. The Japanese residing in this country number about 80,000 souls, of which a good percentage is made up of transient travelers and business men. This forms but an insignificant part in the population of 110,000,000. To find the way of handling, equitably, this small portion of population ought not be a hard job for Uncle Sam, who has already assimilated 33,000,000 of foreign descent. Will it not be, I wonder, one of the functions and a noble mission of The World's Court League whose watchword is "justice" to set in motion a force that would go to eradicate once for all the root of trouble that lies between America and Japan and thus place their relations upon the solid rock of everlasting friendship?

tions. If with this we cannot prevail, then by no effort of military force in an offensive campaign for oppression will America ever enter. A credit or profit wrung by power from an unwilling people means oppression of those subjugated and imperialism on the part of the people of the nation who impose the injustice. Senator James Hamilton Lewis.

"Mr. Secretary of State:

"Your Excellency was good enough to transmit to the Imperial Government a copy of the message which the President of the United States of America addressed to the Senate on the 22d inst. The Imperial Government has given it the earnest consideration which the President's statements deserve, inspired, as they are, by a deep sentiment of responsibility.

"It is highly gratifying to the Imperial Government to ascertain that the main tendencies of this important statement correspond largely to the desires and principles professed by Germany. These principles especially include self-government and equality of rights for all nations. Germany would be sincerely glad if in recognition of this principle countries like Ireland and India, which do not enjoy the benefits of political independence, should now obtain their freedom.

"The German people also repudiate all alliances which serve to force the countries into a competition for might and to involve them in a net of selfish intrigues. On the other hand, Germany will gladly cooperate in all efforts to prevent future

wars.

"The freedom of the seas, being a preliminary condition of the free existence of nations and the peaceful intercourse between them, as well as the open-door for the commerce of all nations, has always formed part of the leading principles of Germany's political programme. All the more the Imperial Government regrets that the attitude of her enemies, who are so entirely opposed to peace, makes it impossible for the world at present to bring about the realization of these lofty ideals.

"Germany and her allies were ready to enter now into a discussion of peace, and had set down as basis the guarantee of existence, honor, and free development of their peoples. Their aims, as has been expressly stated in the note of December 12, 1916, were not directed toward the destruction or annihilation of their enemies and were, according to their conviction, perfectly compatible with the rights of the other nations. As to Belgium, for which such warm and cordial sympathy is felt in the United States, the Chancellor had declared only a few weeks previously that its annexation had never formed part of Germany's intentions. The peace to be signed with Belgium was to provide for such conditions in that country, with which Germany desires to maintain friendly neighborly relations, that Belgium should not be used again by Germany's enemies for the purpose of instigating continuous hostile intrigues. Such precautionary measures are all the more necessary, as Germany's enemies have repeatedly stated, not only in speeches delivered by their leading men, but also in the statutes of the Economical Conference in Paris, that it is their intention not to treat Germany as an equal, even after peace has been restored, but to continue their hostile attitude, and especially to wage a systematical economic war against her.

"The attempt of the four Allied Powers to bring about peace has failed, owing to the lust of conquest of their enemies, who desired to dictate the conditions of peace. Under the pretense of following the principle of nationality our enemies have disclosed their real aims in this way, viz.: To dismember and dishonor Germany, Austria

Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria. To the wish of reconciliation they oppose the will of destruction. They desire a fight to the bitter end.

"A new situation has thus been created which forces Germany to new decisions. Since two years and a half England is using her naval power for a criminal attempt to force Germany into submission by starvation. In brutal contempt of international law, the group of Powers led by England does not only curtail the legitimate trade of their opponents, but they also, by ruthless pressure, compel neutral countries either to altogether forego every trade not agreeable to the Entente Powers or to limit it according to their arbitrary decrees.

"The American Government knows the steps which have been taken to cause England and her Allies to return to the rules of international law and to respect the freedom of the seas. The English Government, however, insists upon continuing its war of starvation, which does not at all affect the military power of its opponents, but compels women and children, the sick and the aged, to suffer for their country pains and privations which endanger the vitality of the nation. Thus British tyranny mercilessly increases the sufferings of the world, indifferent to the laws of humanity, indifferent to the protests of the neutrals whom they severely harm, indifferent even to the silent longing for peace among England's own Allies. Each day of the terrible struggle causes new destruction, new sufferings. Each day shortening the war will, on both sides, preserve the lives of thousands of brave soldiers and be a benefit to mankind.

"The Imperial Government could not justify before its own conscience, before the German people, and before history the neglect of any means destined to bring about the end of the war. Like the President of the United States, the Imperial Government had hoped to reach this goal by negotiations. After the attempts to come to an understanding with the Entente Powers have been answered by the latter with the announcement of an intensified continuation of the war, the Imperial Government-in

order to serve the welfare of mankind in a higher sense and not to wrong its own people-is now compelled to continue the fight for existence, again forced upon it, with the full employment of all the weapons which are at its disposal. [Press text via wireless from Berlin reads here: "The Imperial Government, therefore, is forced to do away with the restrictions which until now it has impressed upon the use of its fighting means on the sea."]

"Sincerely trusting that the people and the Government of the United States will understand the motives for this decision and its necessity, the Imperial Government hopes that the United States may view the new situation from the lofty heights of impartiality, and assist, on their part, to prevent further misery and unavoidable Isacrifice of human life. [Press text via wireless from Berlin reads here: "Referring to details of the planned war measures at sea as annexed, the Government at the same time begs to express its confidence that the American Government will warn American ships against entering the barred zones described in the annex, and also will warn its citizens against taking passage on or confiding goods to ships plying to ports in the barred zone."]

"Enclosing two memoranda regarding the details of the contemplated military measures at sea, I remain, etc.

J. BERNSTORFF." ANNEX TO NOTE, DEFINING BLOCKADE OR "BARRED ZONE" AREA

Following is the text of the annex to the German note presented to the State Department by Count von Bernstorff:

"From February 1, 1917, sea traffic will be stopped with every available weapon and without further notice, in the following blockade zones ("barred zones," according to a version received via Sayville) around Great Britain, France, Italy, and in the eastern Mediterranean.

"In the north-(The Sayville version says: "In the North Sea, the district around England and France, which is limited by a line twenty nautical miles.")

"The zone is confined by a line at a distance of twenty sea miles along the Dutch coast to Terschelling Fireship; the degree [meridian?] of longitude from Terschelling

Fireship to Udsire; a line from there across the point 62 degrees north, 0 degrees longitude, to 62 degrees north, 5 degrees west; further to a point three sea miles south of the southern point of the Faroe Islands; from there across a point 62 degrees north, 10 degrees west, to 61 degrees north, 15 degrees west; then 57 degrees north, 20 degrees west, to 47 degrees north, 20 degrees west; further, to 43 degrees north, 15 degrees west; then along the degree [parallel?] of latitude 43 degrees north to twenty sea miles from Cape Finisterre, and at a distance of twenty sea miles along the north coast of Spain to the French boundary.

"In the south-The Mediterranean.

"For neutral ships, remains open the sea west of the line Pt. Des Espiquettes to 38 degrees 20 minutes north and 6 degrees east; also north and west of a zone 60 sea miles wide along the North African coast, beginning at 2 degrees longitude west. For the connection of this sea-zone with Greece, there is provided a zone of a width of twenty sea miles north and east of the following line: 38 degrees north and 6 degrees east to 38 degrees north and 10 degrees west, to 37 degreees north and 11 degrees 30 minutes east, to 34 degrees north and 22 degrees 30 minutes east.

"From there leads a zone twenty sea miles wide, west 22 degrees 30 minutes eastern longitude, into Greek territorial waters.

"Neutral ships navigating these blockade zones do so at their own risk. Although care has been taken that neutral ships which are on their way toward ports of the blockade zones on February 1, 1917, and have come in the vicinity of the latter, will be spared during a sufficiently long period, it is strongly advised to warn them with all available means in order to cause their return.

"Neutral ships which on February 1 are in ports of the blockade zones can with the same safety leave them.

"The instructions given to the commanders of German submarines provide for a sufficiently long period during which the safety of passengers on unarmed enemy passenger ships is guaranteed.

"Americans en route to the blockade zone on enemy freight steamers are not endangered, as the enemy shipping firms can prevent such ships in time from entering the zone.

"Sailings of regular American passenger steamers may continue undisturbed after February 1, 1917, if

(a) The port of destination is Falmouth. (b) Sailing to or coming from that port course is taken via the Scilly Islands and a point 50 degrees north, 20 degrees west.

["Along this route," says the Sayville version, "no German mines will be laid."]

(c) The steamers are marked in the following way, which must not be allowed to other vessels in American ports: On ship's hull and superstructure three vertical stripes one metre wide, each to be painted alternately white and red. Each mast should show a large flag checkered white and red, and the stern the American national flag. Care should be taken that, during dark, national flag and painted marks are easily recognizable from a distance, and that the boats are well lighted throughout.

(d) One steamer a week sails in each direction with arrival at Falmouth on Sunday and departure from Falmouth on Wednesday.

(e) United States Government guarantees that no contraband (according to German contraband list) is carried by those steamers.

["Two copies of maps on which the barred zones are outlined are added," says the version received via Sayville.]

VON BERNSTORFF'S SUPPLE

MENTAL MEMORANDUM Memorandum submitted to the State Department by Count von Bernstorff supplementing the German note and memorandum of January 31:

"After bluntly refusing Germany's peace offer, the Entente Powers stated in their note addressed to the American Government that they are determined to continue the war in order to deprive Germany of German provinces in the West and East, to destroy Austria-Hungary, and to annihilate Turkey. In waging war with such aims, the Entente Allies are violating all rules of international law, as they prevent the legitimate trade of neutrals with the Central Powers, and of the neutrals among themselves. Germany has so far not made unrestricted use of the weapon which she possesses in her submarines. Since the Entente Powers, however, have made it impossible to come to an understanding based upon equality of rights of all nations, as proposed by the Central Powers, and have instead declared only such a peace to be possible which shall be dictated by the Entente Allies, and shall result in the destruction and the humiliation of the Central Powers, Germany is