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political information and illustrativo ma The Impeachmont of President Israels, a torial.

story, by Frank B. Copley; Macmillan, Journal of Race Development. Edited by

New York, 1918; $1.

Across the Border, a play, by Beulah Marie Prof. George H. Blakeslee, and published

Dix; Holt, New York, 1914; 80 cents. by Louis N. Wilson, at Clark University,

The Mob, a play, by John Galsworthy; Worcester, Mass., at $2 a year.

Chas. Scribner's Sons, New York, 1914; The Naval Annual. By J. A. Brassey. J. 60 cents. Griffin & Company, Portsmouth, England; Moloch, a play, by Beulah Marie Dix; London agents, Simpkin, Marshall &

Somerset Publishing Company, Boston,

1915. Company; imported by Scribner; $6.

Makers of Madness, a play, by Hermann This contains a satisfactory account of

Hagedorn; Macmillan, New York, 1914; naval conditions.

$1. Navy League of Great Britain, 11 Victoria Pride of War, a novel, by Gustaf Janson; Street, Westminster, S.W., London, pub Little, Brown & Company, Boston, 1912; lishes "The Navy League Annual," a com

$1.30. plete review and critical study of naval Cease Firing, a novel, by Mary Johnston:

Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1912; conditions throughout the world; 2 shil

X, 457 pp.; $1.40. A story of the American lings 6 pence.

Civil War. Navy Year Book. Compilation of Annual The Terrible Meek, a play, by Charles Rann

Naval Appropriation Laws from 1883 to Kennedy; New York, Harper, 1912; $1. date. Issued annually. Government The Human Slaughter-House, a psychologPrinting Office, Washington.

ical analysis, by W. Lamszus; Stokes, New

York, 1918; 50 cents. The Statesman's Year Book. Macmillan,

War, a novel, by W. Douglas Newton; Dodd, London and New York; $3. Issued since

Mead & Company, New York, 1915; $1.50. 1863. Indispensable.

The Wine Press, a poem, and Rada, a play, Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, by Alfred Noyes; Stokes, New York, 1913;

Protocols and Agreements between the 60 cents.
United States of America and Other

The Last Shot, a novel, by Frederick

Palmer; Scribner, New York, 1914; $1.35. Powers, 1776-1909. Compiled by William

Swords Reluctant, a novel, by Max PemM. Malloy. 2 Vols. Government Print

berton; Dillingham, New York, 1912; ing Office, Washington, 1910; $2.50.


Press Cuttings, a comedy, by G. Bernard NOVELS AND PLAYS

Shaw; a Shavian skit upon war and woAmong the recent plays and novels which man suffrage. have depicted various phases of interna- Young Medardus, a drama, by Arthur tional relations, especially the use of war as

Schnitzler, 1910, depicting Vienna in the

time of Napoleon. a method of settling international disputes,

tes, In the Vanguard, a play, by Katrina Trask; the following deserve especial recommen

Macmillan, New York, 1918; 75 cents. dation for dramatic power and psycholog- War and Peace, a novel, by Leo N. Tolstoi: ical insight:

New York, E. P. Dutton & Company, 1911, Sorrows of Belgium, a play, by Leonid

8 volumes, $1.05. Andreyev. The character of Maurice

Mr. Britling Sees It Through, a novel, by

H. G. Wells; New York, Macmillan, 1916; Maeterlinck is represented as the hero

$1.60. under the name of Emil Grelieu.

The War Brides, a play, by Marion Craig Life in a Garrison Town, a novel, by Os- Wentworth; The Century Co., New York, wald Fritz Bilse (pseudonym

donym Fritz von

Fritz von 1915; 50 cents. der Kyrburg), John Lane, 1904; $1.25. The War God, a play, by Israel Zangwill; Severe arraignment of the German mili

Macmillan, New York, 1912; $1.25.

The Downfall (La Débâcle), a novel, by tary system.

Emile Zola; xiv, 584 pp.; London, Chatto The Unseen Empire, a play, by Atherton

& Windus, 1892; 8s. 6d. The horrors of Brownell; Harper, New York, 1914; $1.26. the Franco-German War, 1870.

The books listed above may be ordered from The World Court Magazine.


THE general verdict concerning States, in leading the world in the

1 the President's message to the accomplishment of this high task. senate is, that it is conceived in a The President's urgent plea for tone of high idealism and that its the limitation of armaments by all intimations are not wanting in prac nations is most sagacious. Here the ticality. Mr. Wilson has voiced United States would have a chance what sincere people the world over for glorious leadership. A world have been thinking and praying for, wearied and sickened by slaughter not only during the great war but for and devastation will listen to this many decades. It can hardly be ex- proposition as never before. Those pected that nations at war will read- who have urged greater and more ily assent to the possibility of "peace efficient means of national defense without victory.” Neither will neu- will, if consistent, be ready to endorse trals whose sympathies are strongly a plan of international disarmament. on one side or the other, find it easy It is evident that the President in to endorse that view. But the mes- speaking of the "power and authorsage, as a whole, is so lofty in tone, ity” of the United States means much so vital in its grasp and so candid more than the sanction of military in its statement, that it compels force. He would invoke the conrespect, and the more it is read and science, the righteous purpose, the studied, the more it will appeal to civic high-mindedness of statesmen, the conscience and the reason of publicists and men of faith the world thinking men. The President has over to stand for a new order undertaken to speak for America, to founded upon the majesty of justice, formulate a program, to set his the sacredness of treaties and the countrymen thinking along construc- conciliatory power of Christianity. tive lines. What a pity if members Military power and authority? Yes, of the senate divide on party lines but not in competition; limited to coand degrade this great humanitarian operation as in the time of the Boxer program to the level of partisan rebellion. It must not be so arranged politics. Some things in the message that upon the lapse or flagrant act will be criticized. But the men of the of some nation a world war shall senate, democrats and republicans ensue automatically, but so that an alike, should stand with the Presi- international force, duly organized dent, should recognize the spirit of under the authority of an internahis endeavor to lead the nations out tional commission or other executive, of darkness into light, and his desire shall act as police force to prevent to employ potential force—the power violence, to restore order and to reand the authority of the United strain the less civilized and less

advanced nations. Even here, moral convey to the representatives of the force raised to the n’th power would family of nations, the rights and be antecedent to any use of physical duties pertaining to the Monroe force.

Doctrine. This may not be feasible The President does not refer to but it is worth thinking about by men the institutions already established, who find it worth while to think. At looking to world organization, no- all events, if the United States holds tably the Hague Conference. This to the Monroe Doctrine as a sort of may be regarded as weakness or an exclusive instrument for use only oversight. “A bird in the hand is upon this continent, it would be difworth two in the bush.” The third ficult for her to join the league on Hague Conference was about to be any plan yet proposed. called before the war broke upon us. The President has spoken. We In the order of logic and natural could have wished that he had held progression, this conference should a little more clearly to known facts, not be long delayed after peace is but we may hope that his voice will declared. The men who will meet in

not be like that of one crying in the that conference will be inhuman if

wilderness and that the sun of peace they do not seek, in honesty and de

with a healing in his beams will soon votion, to establish a court of justice

rise upon the nations and that under and such other institutions as will his illuminating rays a new world be inseparable from the high aims

may be seen where order, security set forth by the President and from and cooperation may give happiness the concert of power which alone can to men and women everywhere. make these aims effective.

Highly significant is the fact that The President's proposal of a

so many experienced Americans of league of all nations is far preferable

statesmanlike rank find common to that of the League to Enforce

ground in the President's announcePeace by whom it has been urged

ment of American principles. Richthat a few nations, as for example

ard Olney, ex-Secretary of State, the Entente led by the United States, says that “the fundamental idea could form a league.

is nothing less than a stroke of His further proposal that the genius” — prescience and sagacity Monroe Doctrine should be interna- to recognize and point out “the tionalized, is not new. Professor only road through which a deWilliam I. Hull, of Swarthmore Col- sirable peace can be secured.” Exlege, who gives a masterly presenta President Taft praises the speech tion of the subject of our interna- as "epochal in the history of our tional relations, in his book published foreign policy.” It will stimulate last year entitled, “The Monroe discussion of our world responsibility Doctrine: National or Interna- and the burdens we must assume in tional?” therein elaborates the rea- meeting it. It emphasizes not exact sons why the United States must terms of peace but responsibility for THE INTERNATIONAL POLICY WHICH

framing terms to satisfy international justice. Mr. Root, ex-Secretary of State, declares his ful sympathy with the noble idealism in the speech. He construes President Wilson's proposal for a league of nations for peace as meaning the formation of a convention under which liberty of action would be left to every signatory power to determine its duty toward the maintenance of peace. That is to say the United States is not to be bound to go to war on the continent of Europe

or of Asia or in any other part of the world without the people of the United States having an opportunity at the time to say whether they will go to war or not. In the light of such leading far above partisanship, the opportunity should be seized by groups and organizations to educate and rally public opinion to the support of the general principles so forcefully expressed by the President, spokesman for the forwardlooking American people.

Samuel T. Dutton.


TN most of the current discussion 1 of the policy of the United States

government, writers and speakers either forget or ignore the declarations contained in the Naval Appropriation Act of 1916. Congress committed us by statute to a policy of mediation and arbitration in international disputes, authorized the President to call a world conference to formulate plans for an international tribunal, and made provisions looking toward decrease of competitive armaments. Such important action, embodied in the largest appropriation for navy building which our country has known, deserves the widest public attention. The World's Court League platform appropriately makes a point of its relation to the building up of international institutions of law and order. We repeat here the three paragraphs of the Naval Act, known as “the Hensley clauses,”

with which every citizen should be familiar:

“It is hereby declared to be the policy of the United States to adjust and settle its international disputes through mediation or arbitration, to the end that war may be honorably avoided. It looks with apprehension and disfavor upon a general increase of armament throughout the world, but it realizes that no single nation can disarm, and that without a common agreement upon the subject every considerable power must maintain a relative standing in military strength.

"In view of the premises, the President is authorized and requested to invite, at an appropriate time, not later than the close of the war in Europe, all the great Governments of the world to send representatives to a conference which shall be charged with the duty of formulating a plan for a court of arbitration or other tribunal, to which disputed questions between nations shall be referred for adjudication and peaceful settlement, and to consider the question of disarmament and submit their recommendation to their respective Governments for approval. The President is hereby authorized to appoint nine citizens of the United States, who, in his judgment, shall be qualified for the mission by eminence in the law and by devotion to the cause of peace, to be representatives of the United States in such a conference. The President shall fix the compensation of said representatives, and such secretaries and other employees as

may be needed. Two hundred thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated and set aside and placed at the disposal of the President to carry into effect the provisions of this paragraph.

"If at any time before the construction authorized by this Act shall have been contracted for, there shall have been established, with the cooperation of the United States of America, an international tribunal or tribunals competent to secure peaceful determinations of all international disputes, and which shall render unnecessary the maintenance of competitive armaments, then and in that case such naval expenditures as may be inconsistent with the engagements made in the establishment of such tribunal or tribunals, may be suspended, when so ordered by the President of the United States."

Massachusetts Branch of The Woman's Peace Party, which has issued a leaflet reproduction of the Hensley Paragraphs, are commended to World Court readers. You can help to give publicity to the Hensley Paragraphs. How? “Read them to your family. Urge your clergyman to read them in church. Have them read in every club to which you belong. Urge individuals and associations to endorse them, and to write an endorsement to their congressman. Put them into the hands of the presidents and secretaries of every organization in your locality.”

The practical suggestions of the

GUARANTEES FOR A LEAGUE OF PEACE THE President does not specify the against the futilities of force in this

1 character of the “force” that war will affect the temper of conmay be necessary to guarantee a ferees at its close. Advocates of The League of Peace. He explains to World's Court League program have Washington correspondents that it been stressing the intrinsic merit of will be the duty of a conference of such implements as a World Court nations to determine that. Thus he and Courts of Conciliation for adopdoes not dispose of the arguments for tion by a World Conference of naor against the use of force, but he tional representatives, meeting to does subordinate debate over sanc- consider sanely the possibility of tions to the main purpose of securing extending the application of princioccasion for the exercise of a Will to ples already in wide use among naPeace in international relations. It tions. May it not be assumed that is easy to say that this begs the ques- such institutions ought to stand on tion, but second thought may com- their own merits? There is a sound mend the wisdom of such tactics to human instinct which suggests that the debaters. It would be strange if they should so justify themselves and this war teaches no lessons to men which distrusts alleged justice-bringand nations regarding the compara- ing instruments that must be forced tive value of appeal to the sanction upon nations by arms. A call for a of armed force or to the sanction of Third Hague Conference without organized public opinion.

previous commitment to a particular Certain it is that many minds have kind of force or combinations of varibeen upset and obsessed by war-fever. ous kinds of force would not put the Certain it is also that a revulsion cart before the horse.

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