inherited treasure of intellectual and economic work and the social organization and sacred soil of the country.

"Certain of our own strength, but realizing Europe's sad future if the war continues; seized with pity in the face of the unspeakable misery of humanity the German Empire, in accord with her allies, solemnly repeats what the Chancellor already has declared, a year ago, that Germany is ready to give peace to the world by setting before the whole world the question whether or not it is possible to find a basis for an understanding.

"Since the first day of the Pontifical reign his Holiness the Pope has unswervingly de

monstrated, in the most generous fashion, his solicitude for the innumerable victims of this war. He has alleviated the sufferings and ameliorated the fate of thousands of men injured by this catastrophe. Inspired by the exalted ideas of his ministry, his Holiness has seized every opportunity in the interests of humanity to end so sanguinary

a war.

"The Imperial Government is firmly confident that the initiative of the four powers will find friendly welcome on the part of his Holiness, and that the work of peace can count upon the precious support of the Holy See."

Note of December 30, in reply to the proposal of the Central Powers, December 12, 1916:

"The Allied Governments of Belgium, France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Montenegro, Portugal, Rumania, Russia, and Servia, united for the defense of the liberty of their peoples and faithful to engagements taken not to lay down their arms separately, have resolved to reply collectively to the pretended propositions of peace which were addressed to them on behalf of the enemy Governments through the intermediary of the United States, Spain, Switzerland, and Holland.

"Before making any reply, the Allied Powers desire particularly to protest against the two essential assertions of the notes of the enemy Powers that pretend to throw upon the Allies responsibility for the war and proclaim the victory of the Central Powers.

"The Allied Governments cannot admit an affirmation doubly inexact and which suffices to render sterile all tentative negotiations.

"The Allied nations have sustained for thirty months a war they did everything to avoid. They have shown by their acts their attachment to peace. That attachment is as strong to-day as it was in 1914. But it is not upon the word of Germany, after the violation of its engagements, that the peace broken by her may be based.

"A mere suggestion without a statement of terms that negotiations should be opened is not an offer of peace. The putting forward by the Imperial Government of a sham proposal lacking all substance and precision would appear to be less an offer of peace than a war manœuvre. It is founded on calculated misinterpretation of

the character of the struggle in the past, the present, and the future.

"As for the past, the German note takes no account of the facts, dates, and figures which establish that the war was desired, provoked, and declared by Germany and Austria-Hungary.

"At the Hague conference it was a German delegate who refused all proposals for disarmament. In July, 1914, it was AustriaHungary who, after having addressed to Servia an unprecedented ultimatum, declared war upon her in spite of the satisfaction which had at once been accorded.

"The Central Empires then rejected all attempts made by the Entente to bring about a pacific solution of a purely local conflict. Great Britain suggested a conference, France proposed an international commission, the Emperor of Russia asked the German Emperor to go to arbitration, and Russia and Austria-Hungary came to an understanding on the eve of the conflict. But to all these efforts Germany gave neither answer nor effect.

"Belgium was invaded by an empire which had guaranteed her neutrality, and which had the assurance to proclaim that treaties were 'scraps of paper,' and that 'necessity knows no law.'

"At the present moment these sham offers on the part of Germany rest on the war map of Europe alone, which represents nothing more than a superficial and passing phase of the situation and not the real strength of the belligerents. A peace concluded upon these terms would be only to the advantage of the aggressors, who after imagining that they would reach their goal in two months, discovered after two years that they could never attain it.

"As for the future, the disasters caused by the German declaration of war and the

innumerable outrages committed by Germany and her allies against both belligerents and neutrals demand penalties, reparation, and guarantees. Germany avoids mention of any of these.

"In reality, these overtures made by the Central Powers are nothing more than a calculated attempt to influence the future course of the war, and to end it by imposing a German peace. The object of these overtures is to create dissension in public opinion in the Allied countries. But that public opinion has in spite of all the sacrifices endured by the Allies already given its answer with admirable firmness, and has denounced the empty pretense of the declaration of the enemy Powers.

"They have the further object of stiffening public opinion in Germany and in the countries allied to her-one and all, severely tried by their losses, worn out by economic pressure, and crushed by the supreme effort which has been imposed upon their inhabitants.

"They endeavor to deceive and intimidate public opinion in neutral countries whose inhabitants have long since made up their minds where the initial responsibilities lie, and are far too enlightened to favor the designs of Germany by abandoning the defence of human freedom.

"Finally, these overtures attempt to justify in advance in the eyes of the world a new series of crimes-submarine warfare, deportations, forced labor, and forced enlistment of the inhabitants against their own countries, and violations of neutrality.

"Fully conscious of the gravity of this moment, but equally conscious of its requirements, the Allied Governments, closely united to one another and in perfect sympathy with their peoples, refuse to consider a proposal which is empty and insincere. Once again the Allies declare that no peace is possible so long as they have not secured reparation for violated rights and liberties, the recognition of the principle of nationalities, and of the free existence of small states: so long as they have not brought about a settlement calculated to end once and for all forces which have constituted a perpetual menace to the nations, and to afford the only effective

guarantee for the future security of the world.

"In conclusion, the Allied Powers think it necessary to put forward the following considerations, which show the special situation of Belgium after two and a half years of war.

"In virtue of the international treaties signed by five great European Powers, of whom Germany was one, Belgium enjoyed before the war a special status, rendering her territory inviolable, and placing her, under the guarantee of the Powers, outside all European conflicts. She was, however, in spite of these treaties, the first to suffer the aggression of Germany. For this reason, the Belgian Government thinks it necessary to define the aims which Belgium has never ceased to pursue while fighting side by side with the Entente Powers for right and justice.

"Belgium has always scrupulously fulfilled the duties which her neutrality imposed upon her. She has taken up arms to defend her independence and her neutrality, violated by Germany, and to show that she remains faithful to her international obligations.

"On August 4, 1914, in the Reichstag the German Chancellor admitted that this aggression constituted an injustice contrary to the laws of nations, and pledged himself in the name of Germany to repair it. During two and a half years this injustice has been cruelly aggravated by the proceedings of the occupying forces, which have exhausted the resources of the country, ruined its industries, devastated its towns and villages, and have been responsible for innumerable massacres, executions, and imprisonments.

"At this very moment, while Germany is proclaiming peace and humanity to the world, she is deporting Belgian citizens by thousands, and reducing them to slavery.

"Belgium before the war asked for nothing but to live in harmony with her neighbors. Her King and her Government have but one aim-the reestablishment of peace and justice. But they only desire peace which would assure to their country legitimate reparation, guarantees and safeguards for the future."

On December 18, Secretary Lansing despatched practically identical notes for the President of the United States to the capitals of all the belligerent powers. Copies were also sent to all neutral powers. The

text, made public, December 20, ten days prior to the publication of the reply of the Entente Allies to the proposal of the Central Powers, reads:

"The President of the United States has

instructed me to suggest to the (here is inserted a designation of the Government addressed), a course of action with regard to the present war which he hopes that the Government will take under consideration as suggested in the most friendly spirit, and as coming not only from a friend, but also as coming from the representative of a neutral nation whose interests have been most seriously affected by the war and whose concern for its early conclusion arises out of a manifest necessity to determine how best to safeguard those interests if the war is to continue.

"The suggestion which I am instructed to make the President has long had it in mind to offer. He is somewhat embarrassed to offer it at this particular time, because it may now seem to have been prompted by a desire to play a part in connection with the recent overtures of the Central Powers It has in fact been in no way suggested by them in its origin, and the President would have delayed offering it until those overtures had been independently answered [In the note to the Entente Allies the wording here is because it may now seem to have been prompted by the recent overtures of the Central Powers. It is in fact in no way associated with them in its origin, and the President would have delayed offering it until those overtures had been answered], but for the fact that it also concerns the question of peace and may best be considered in connection with other proposals which have the same end in view. The President can only beg that his suggestion be considered entirely on its own merits and as if it had been made in other circumstances.

"The President suggests that an early occasion be sought to call out from all the nations now at war such an avowal of their respective views as to the terms upon which the war might be concluded and the arrangements which would be deemed satisfactory as a guaranty against its renewal or the kindling of any similar conflict in the future as would make it possible frankly to compare them. He is indifferent as to the means taken to accomplish this. He would be happy himself to serve, or even to take the initiative in its accomplishment, in any way that might prove acceptable, but he has no desire to determine the method or the instrumentality. One way will be as acceptable to him as another, if only the great object he has in mind be attained.

"He takes the liberty of calling attention to the fact that the objects which the statesmen of the belligerents on both sides have in mind in this war are virtually the same, as stated in general terms to their own people and to the world. Each side

desires to make the rights and privileges of weak peoples and small States as secure against aggression or denial in the future as the rights and privileges of the great and powerful States now at war. Each wishes itself to be made secure in the future, along with all other nations and peoples, against the recurrence of wars like this and against aggression of selfish interference of any kind. Each would be jealous of the formation of any more rival leagues to preserve an uncertain balance of power amidst multiplying suspicions; but each is ready to consider the formation of a league of nations to insure peace and justice throughout the world. Before that final step can be taken, however, each deems it necessary first to settle the issues of the present war upon terms which will certainly safeguard the independence, the territorial integrity and the political and commercial freedom of the nations involved.

"In the measures to be taken to secure the future peace of the world, the people and Government of the United States are as vitally and as directly interested as the Governments now at war. Their interest, moreover, in the means to be adopted to relieve the smaller and weaker peoples of the world of the peril of wrong and violence is as quick and ardent as that of any other people or Government. They stand ready, and even eager, to cooperate in the accomplishment of these ends, when the war is over, with every influence and resource at their command. But the war must first be concluded. The terms upon which it is to be concluded they are not at liberty to suggest; but the President does feel that it is his right and his duty to point out their intimate interests in its conclusion, lest it should presently be too late to accomplish the greater things which lie beyond its conclusion, lest the situation of neutral nations, now exceedingly hard to endure, be rendered altogether intolerable, and lest, more than all, an injury be done civilization itself which can never be atoned for or repaired.

"The President therefore feels altogether justified in suggesting an immediate opportunity for a comparison of views as to the terms which must precede those ultimate arrangements for the peace of the world, which all desire and in which the neutral nations as well as those at war are ready to play their full responsible part. If the contest must continue to proceed towards undefined ends by slow attrition, until the one group of belligerents or the other is exhausted, if million after million of human lives must continue to be offered up until on the one side or the other there are no more to offer, if resentments must be

kindled that can never cool and despairs engendered from which there can be no recovery, hopes of peace and of the willing concert of free peoples will be rendered vain and idle."

"The life of the entire world has been profoundly affected. Every part of the great family of mankind has felt the burden and terror of this unprecedented contest of arms. No nation in the civilized world can be said in truth to stand outside its influence or to be safe against its disturbing effects. And yet the concrete objects for which it is being waged have never been definitely stated.

"The leaders of the several belligerents have, as has been said, stated those objects in general terms. But, stated in general terms, they seem the same on both sides. Never yet have the authoritative spokesmen of either side avowed the precise objects which would, if attained, satisfy them and their people that the war had been fought out. The world has been left to conjecture what definitive results, what actual exchange of guaranties, what politi

cal or territorial changes or readjustments, what stage of military success even, would bring the war to an end.

"It may be that peace is nearer than we know; that the terms which the belligerents on the one side and on the other would deem it necessary to insist upon are not so irreconcilable as some have feared; that an interchange of views would clear the way at least for conference and make the permanent concord of the nations a hope of the immediate future, a concert of nations immediately practicable.

"The President is not proposing peace; he is not even offering mediation. He is merely proposing that soundings be taken in order that we may learn, the neutral nations with the belligerents, how near the haven of peace may be for which all mankind longs with an intense and increasing longing. He believes that the spirit in which he speaks and the objects which he seeks will be understood by all concerned, and he confidently hopes for a response which will bring a new light into the affairs of the world."

Note from Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, presented to United States Ambassador, James W. Gerard at Berlin, December 26:

"The high-minded suggestion made by the President of the United States of America in order to create a basis for the establishment of a lasting peace has been received and considered by the Imperial Government in the friendly spirit which was expressed in the President's communication.

"The President points out that which he has at heart and leaves open the choice of road. To the Imperial Government an immediate exchange of views seems to be the

most appropriate road in order to reach the desired result. It begs, therefore, in the sense of the declaration made on Dec. 12, which offered a hand for peace negotiations, to propose an immediate meeting of delegates of the belligerent States at a neutral place.

"The Imperial Government is also of the opinion that the great work of preventing future wars can be begun only after the end of the present struggle of the nations. It will, when this moment shall have come, be ready with pleasure to collaborate entirely with the United States in this exalted task."

The reply of the Entente Allies to President Wilson's note, translated from the French official text as cabled from Paris to Washington, date of January 10, reads as follows. The variations of translations as printed in the London press are of considerable importance to a clear understanding of the document. We give these in brackets where they occur.

"The Allied Governments have received

the note which was delivered to them in the name of the Government of the United States on the 19th of December, 1916. They have studied it with the care imposed upon them both by the exact realization which they have of the gravity of the hour and by the sincere friendship which attaches them to the American people.

"In a general way they wish to declare that they pay tribute to the elevation of the sentiment with which the American note is inspired, and that they associate them

selves, with all their hopes, with the project for the creation of a league of nations to insure peace and justice throughout the world. They recognize all the advantages for the cause of humanity and civilization which the institution of international agreements, destined to avoid violent conflicts between nations would prevent-agreements which must imply the sanctions necessary to insure their execution, and thus to prevent an apparent security from only facilitating new aggressions. [London version: "In a general way they desire to declare their respect for the lofty sentiments inspiring the American note, and their whole-hearted agreement with the proposal to create a league of nations which shall assure peace and justice throughout the world. They recognize all the benefits which will accrue to the cause of humanity and civilization from the institution of international arrangements designed to prevent violent conflicts between nations and so framed as to provide the sanctions necessary to their enforcement, lest an illusory security should serve merely to facilitate fresh acts of aggression."]

"But a discussion of future arrangements destined to insure an enduring peace presupposes a satisfactory settlement of the actual conflict. ["But a discussion of future arrangements for assuring a durable peace presupposes a satisfactory settlement of the present conflict."] The Allies have as profound a desire as the Government of the United States to terminate as soon as possible a war for which the Central Empires are responsible and which inflicts such cruel sufferings upon humanity. But they believe that it is impossible at the present moment to attain a peace which will assure them reparation, restitution, and such guarantees to which they are entitled by the aggression for which the responsibility rests with the Central Powers, and of which the principle itself tended to ruin the security of Europe-a peace which would, on the other hand, permit the establishment of the future of European nations on a solid basis. ["But in their judgment it is impossible to obtain at this moment such a peace as will not only secure to them the reparation, the restitution, and the guarantees justly due them by reason of the act of aggression, the guilt of which is fixed upon the Central Powers, while the very principle from which it sprang was undermining the safety of Europe: and at the same time such a peace as will enable future European nations to be established upon a sure foundation."] The Allied nations are conscious that they are not fighting for selfish interests, but, above all, to safeguard the

independence of peoples, of right, and of humanity.

"The Allies are fully aware of the losses and suffering which the war causes to neutrals as well as to belligerents, and they deplore them, but they do not hold themselves responsible for them, having in no way either willed or provoked this war; and they strive to reduce these damages in their measure compatible with the inexorable exigencies of their defence against the violence and the wiles of the enemy.

"It is with satisfaction, therefore, that they take note of the declaration that the American communication is in nowise associated in its origin with that of the Central Powers transmitted on the 18th of December by the Government of the United States. They did not doubt, moreover, the resolution of that Government to avoid even the appearance of a support, even moral, of the authors responsible for the war.

"The Allied Governments believe that they must protest in the most friendly but in the most specific manner against the assimilation, established in the American note, between the two groups of belligerents; this assimilation, based upon public declarations by the Central Powers, is in direct opposition to the evidence, both as regards responsibility for the past and as concerns guarantees for the future; President Wilson, in mentioning it, certainly had no intention of associating himself with it. ["The allied Governments feel it their duty to challenge in the most friendly, but also in the clearest way the analogy drawn between the two groups of belligerents. This analogy, based on public declarations of the Central Powers, is in direct conflict with the evidence, both as regards responsibility for the past and guarantees for the future. President Wilson in alluding to this analogy did not, of course, intend to adopt it as his own."]

"If there is a historical fact established at the present date, it is the wilful aggression of Germany and Austria-Hungary to insure their hegemony over Europe and their economic domination over the world. Germany proved by her declaration of war, by the immediate violation of Belgium and Luxemburg, and by her manner of conducting the war her simulating contempt for all principles of humanity and all respect for small states. As the conflict developed, the attitude of the Central Powers and their allies has been a continual defiance of humanity and civilization. [“By her declaration of war, by the instant violation of Belgium and Luxemburg, and by her methods of warfare, Germany has proved that she systematically scorns every principle of humanity and all respect due