OFFICERS President of the League CHARLES LATHROP PACK President of the International Council President of the National Advisory Board Frank L. Babbott Nehemiah Boynton George W. Kirchwey Walter L. McCorkle W. B. Millar Secretary of the Board of Governors Charles Willard Young SAMUEL T. DUTTON, General Secretary CHARLES H. LEVERMORE, Cor. Secretary FRANK CHAPIN BRAY, Editorial Sec'y The officers of The World's Court League cordially invite you to join them in preparing the way for more just and harmonious international relations after the war. Forty-four nations have already voted for the Court of Justice which will be the chief corner-stone of a new world structure. While a League of Nations presupposes a better adjustment of international questions, the greatest assurance of security and durable peace rests in a World Court. The platform of the League is in harmony with the great work accomplished by the two Hague Conferences and with the treaties which have been made by the United States with thirty nations, providing for delay and inquiry in case of any international difficulty. To advance and concentrate public opinion the League publishes THE WORLD COURT MAGAZINE. A payment of two dollars makes you a member of The World's Court League and furnishes the magazine for one year. The League also desires contributions of from five to one thousand dollars for the support of this world-wide movement which is intended to make another war with its horrors and distress unlikely if not impossible. Use the coupon on opposite page. Entered as second class matter, September 16, 1912, at the Post Office at New York UNITY OF PLAN AND CONTROL TO WIN THE WAR F the great resources of the United IF States are to be used to the best advantage to achieve a just and permanent peace, the closest possible cooperation and unity of plan and control among the Allies are essential. Thus the cables represent President Wilson's "instructions" to Colonel House at the head of the special mission from this country to the Allied War Conference in Paris. The message fitted into Premier Lloyd George's play for establishing an inter-allied war council. George had publicly admitted mistakes of the Allies in Servia, Rumania, and Italy, for example, and he declared that the war has been prolonged by "particularism." He promptly won press and parliamentary approval for his project of a supervisory council. But on the eve of the Paris Conference the Marquis of Lansdowne, Conservative leader and ex-Foreign Minister in Salisbury and Balfour cabinets, created a sensation by a public letter advocating a British restatement of war aims. To beat the Germans is not an end in itself, defeat should bring reparation and security, especially security, says Lord Lansdowne. Before the prolonged war leads to "the ruin of the civilized world," he contends that an immense stimulus would probably be given to the peace party in Germany if it were understood: First, that the annihilation of Germany as a great Power is not desired; second, that we do not seek to impose upon the German people a form of Government against their choice; third, that, except as a legitimate war measure, we do not desire to deny to Germany her place among the great commercial countries; fourth, that we are prepared after the war, in concert with the other Powers, to examine the international problems connected with the freedom of the seas; fifth, that we are prepared to enter into an international pact under which ample opportunities would be afforded for the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means. Meanwhile Clemenceau, recalled to be Premier of France, declares that the war is for victory! And the Bolsheviki régime headed by Lenine and Trotzky in Russia promulgates peace parleys with the Central Powers! As we go to press, President Wilson has again risen to the high stature of international leader by speaking before Congress the right word to men everywhere who are capable of world-vision. Here is a single declaration: "I believe that I speak for them (the American people) when I say two things: First, that this intolerable Thing, of which the master of Germany has shown us the ugly face-this menace of combined intrigue and force, which we now see so clearly as the German power; a Thing without conscience or honor or capacity for covenanted peace-must be crushed, and, if it be not utterly brought to an end, at least shut out from the friendly intercourse of the nations; and, second, that when this Thing and its powers are indeed defeated, and the time comes that we can discuss peace when the German people have spokesmen whose word we can believe and when those spokesmen are ready in the name of their people to accept the common judgment of the nations as to what shall henceforth be the bases of law and of covenant for the life of the world-we shall be willing and glad to pay the full price for peace and pay it ungrudgingly. We know what that price will be. It will be full, impartial justice-justice done at every point and to every nation that the final settlement must affect, our enemies as well as our friends.” Americans respond marvelously to the demands of the war since we entered into it. The foreign commissions have been amazed at the response in men, money, and productive activities. We are beginning to get our patriotic gait. Assuredly we have a fair right to ask for that unity of both military and political plan and purpose which will make our force effective in the struggle to defeat militaristic Germanism and secure just and enduring international peace. Nothing more or less than this will satisfy us. SELF-DENYING MONROE DOCTRINE IN VISIONS of heart-to-heart co operation with Japan, to which we called attention here last month, suddenly turned into a momentous Far Eastern reality. Viscount Ishii of the Japanese Special Mission and Secretary Lansing made an agreement by which Japan and the United States are bound in honor to a special-interest-open-door policy of vital concern to China as well as to each other. This is a gentleman's agreement, like the Root-Takahira agree ment negotiated in 1908, a declaration of intentions rather than a formal treaty. It assumes that public opinion in both nations will sanction its terms on their intrinsic merits. News of the agreement is said to have created a great sensation in Peking, and China promptly notified other governments that she will not allow herself to be bound by any agreement entered into by other nations. But the diplomatic joining of hands, we prefer to think, intends no offense deal openly with Japan and China according to higher standards of ethical relationship than those of "diplomacy before the war." The far-reaching significance of this new agreement goes without saying. It is one of those unpredictable by-products of the war which make it necessary to take national bearings anew. Hence we give much space this month to articles which will help our readers to understand the situation. Our special correspondent at Washington reviews the big story of this diplomatic stroke as seen and sized up at the most lively (and suspicious) center of diplomacy in the world to-day. Separate articles by a Japanese student and a Chinese student in this country afford sharply contrasting views. The comment by Professor Jenks of the Far Eastern Bureau is highly suggestive. Difficult as it may be to think just yet of "special interests" of Japan in China, specified in the Ishii-Lansing agreement, as by no means identical with the old familiar "sphere of influence" of diplomatic shame, Secretary Lansing calls upon us to do so. The text of the agreement recognizes Japanese special interests dependent upon geography, but insists that China's sovereignty shall not be impaired, and stands for the principle of the open door in China for all nations. Mr. Lansing holds that a principle of non-interference is thus introduced "which, generally applied, is essential to perpetual international peace, as clearly defined by President Wilson, and which is the very foundation also of Pan-Americanism as interpreted by this government." Japan's "Monroe Doctrine," then, we are to understand, is a self-denying kind, as Viscount Ishii described it, and, according to Mr. Lansing, it is the Wilson self-denying type of "Monroe Doctrine" that is being developed not alone for Pan-American relations but for world-wide application. Hope of a self-denying era among nations after this war has hitherto found no such striking expression. ORGANIZED LABOR FRAMES A DURABLE ORGANIZED labor representa- achievement, but wanted success by tives in the United States respond whole-heartedly to the call of the President upon them. Elsewhere we republish President Wilson's memorable address to the American Federation at Buffalo, which attracted quite as much attention abroad as at home. Germany was not content with success by superior authority, said he, in his vivid characterization of the German threat against free industry and enterprise in the world. Our duty is to stand together night and day, to see that the power of the American spirit and the productivity of this country is without interruption raised to its maximum, in order to win the war to |