Слике страница

Colonel John D. Brooks, host of the oc- asks whether some way cannot be casion, presided. Among those present were: Rev. John Mark Ericson, rector of found to end militarism by internaSt. John's Episcopal Church; Rev. John

tional agreement, and whether AmerHenry Day, pastor of Calvary Baptist Church; Rev. Charles F. Mayhew, Nepper ica cannot take the lead in this great han Avenue Baptist Church; Rev. Charles

step forward, to insure future genHowland Cookman, First Methodist Episcopal Church; Rev. A. Raymond Eckels, erations against such scenes as now Bryn Mawr Park Presbyterian Church;

accompany hostilities in Europe. Rev. Frederick W. Cutler, First Reformed Church; Rev. A. C. McMillan, Westminster Lang's appeal in behalf of humanPresbyterian Church; Walter F. Haskett, General Secretary of the Young Men's Chris

ity was made through Carl W. tian Association; Charles R. Otis, Albert Ackerman, correspondent of the Bunker, Gideon H. Peck, Percy J. Knapp, James B. Murray, Chas. E. Gorton, Leslie

United Press, who visited him at Sutherland, Rev. 'Chas. H. Cookman, Mr. Oberammergau and who cabled his Albert Bunker.

words to American newspapers. The THE FRIENDS ENDORSE WORLD COURT following response has been trans

The New York Monthly Meeting mitted to Mr. Ackerman, with the of the Religious Society of Friends request that it be forwarded to Anton has adopted the following strong en- Lang:

lorsement which Anna L. Curtis, “To Anton Lang, Oberammergau, Bavaria, secretary, sends to The World's from The World's Court League headCourt League:

quarters in America:

"Greetings and deep appreciation of the "Since the World Court Movement

noble purpose and lofty spirit animating is for the purpose of securing the es

your message cabled to this country by Carl

W. Ackerman of the United Press. You tablishment of an International Court ask whether all militarism cannot be desof Justice to settle international dis

troyed through international agreements, and

whether America cannot take the first step putes, a court with permanent judges in this direction. We are glad to tell you always sitting; and since such a that for more than a year a large number

of American men and women who share your court seems to be a promising means

feeling have been quietly working through a of ending war and securing perma voluntary organization called The World's

Court League, in an effort to arouse public nent peace; it is the sense of this

opinion to the necessity of establishing an Meeting that we should give the international court of justice modelled after

the United States Supreme Court at Washmovement our earnest and sincere ington—a World Court wherein disputes be

tween nations may be adjudicated under rules of international law. This World Court,

to be established when the present war ends, The Executive Committee of the Massa

would have back of it no threat of armed chusetts Branch of the Woman's Peace forces. Its judgments would be made effective Party, at the regular monthly meeting last

by the power of enlightened public opinion month, voted to endorse The World's Court

which shrinks with horror from the possiLeague. Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes is presi

bility of future wars and wholesale slaughter dent of this active branch.

of human life. As soon as practicable definite

steps will be taken to crystallize public HONORARY MEMBERSHIP FOR ANTON sentiment in Europe and Asia. Represent

ing, as you do, the highest aspirations of true LANG OF OBERAMMERGAU

brotherhood for all men, we beg you to acFrom far-off Oberammergau, in

cept honorary membership in The World's

Court League. Bavaria, Anton Lang, who takes the


“SAMUEL T. DUTTON, part of Christus, in the Passion Play,

“General Secretary."


possible: in affection for mankind. I desire to work for my country's material wellbeing, for her supreme place among the nations of the world, and I hope to fit myself to further her every laudable ambition in that direction by doing well my daily task as part of my patriotic duty. America, my country: in her intercourse with other nations may she always be right. My country, right or wrong; but when she is wrong I am as ready to die that she may not commit the wrong, as I am ready to live and work that she may be right."-Edward A. Steiner.

“As surely as two and two make four, militarism can not be crushed by militarism. All attempts to do so have been fruitless— insane even. But there is no reason to infer that militarism will never be eradicated; merely that it will be accomplished in a totally different way.”—Georg Brandes.

“When we have for years seen the underlying motives for all this terrible destruction and know that ninety-nine per cent. of it is national jealousy and the rest talk, what are we to think of the column after column of platitudes about small nations and the love of righteousness? What are we to think of the ministers of the Gospel who rend the air with hysterical cries against concluding a peace or even a truce?”—Cardinal O'Connell.

"I accept without complaint all the limitations of social contact which my own race or faith may bring me; but no man can shut me out from performing my duties to the nation. Great and consuming as is my love for my country, it can never make me hate the people of any other country; nor am I willing to sacrifice them to prove my willingness to sacrifice myself. I am an American, and because I am an American I wish to cooperate with the people of every other country for the good of humanity. I do not regard the boundaries of my affections fixed, and I aspire to grow in that quality in which alone infinite growth is

“Our horses are entitled to food, water, bedding and shelter just exactly as a trooper is. A horse should not be insulted or distressed, either by cruel treatment or vehement language, and to curse a horse is as bad as to curse a man, perhaps worse, because a horse cannot strike back, and is practically within our power. The courage of a horse comes from the courage of the rider. Alone he is timid and nervous. See to it that he is not needlessly alarmed. Words of encouragement are grateful to him; rough usage and hateful language distress and frighten him. Vile language toward a horse shall be looked upon henceforth by officers exactly as if the unfit language were applied to a human being. Reproof and punishment must follow accordingly.”—Kaiser Wilhelm.

Other Editors Say

Sun, Pittsburgh, Pa. “Public opinion is one of the most powerful forces in the universe, and that fact is slowly becoming recognized by even the most autocratic and arrogant of rulers.”

Chronicle, Marquette, Mich.: “If you cannot indict a whole people, you cannot convict and coerce them either. If you insist in your fatal policy of treating them as all black or all white, or green, or gray, you will only fuse them in that deadly national solidarity on the rocks of which so many schemes have been dashed to pieces. Try coercing a whole nation and see it rise as one man against you."

Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia: "PEACE Terms: Gerrymandering the boundaries of Europe is not a matter of the first importance to this country. For us, for every neutral country and for every belligerent, the grand consideration-in comparison with which all others are decidedly secondary-is whether the terms of settlement definitely lessen the probability of another war. There is only one possible way to accomplish that-namely, by a sweeping reduction of armaments and setting up some sort of international authority to which disputes between states shall be referred. The old scheme of competitive armaments, and every nation the final judge of its own acts, terest. This country's vital interest in peace terms centers there."

will produce the old results. That is international anarchy, with no law that anybody is really bound to respect. A régime of international law must replace it or the probability of war will remain just what it was before, no matter how boundaries are rearranged or how much, for the time being, any nation is humbled. It was from the utter humiliation and helplessness of the Napoleonic era that aggressive modern Prussia emerged. The old scheme has been very thoroughly tried out. Returning to it with a mere shifting of the weights and counterweights will not change its nature or effect. There must be complete recognition of a common European interest that is superior to any particular national in

Sun, New York: “Let us hope that if the differences between the World's Court League and the League to Enforce Peace ever reach the acute stage, the two estimable organizations will consent to arbitrate before they come to blows." Democrat, Rochester, N. Y. “Must not a reform that will insure peace penetrate far below the surface of armaments and politics." World, New York. “The opportunity for a World Court to win for itself a foremost place among human institutions is here." ...

Talk About Books

Henry Ford's Own Story. As told to Rose Wilder Lane. Published by Ellis 0. Jones, Forest Hills, New York City. $1.00 net.

The amazing simplicity of Henry Ford is invariably emphasized by those who character-sketch him. It stands out in this lifestory, self-revealed in his own words, dwelt upon by the writer in detailing "how a farmer boy rose to the power that goes with many millions, yet never lost touch with humanity." Henry Ford does not belong to that "mythical class” of the Big Business Men, insists the writer, "he is a big man in business.” Despite an annual automobile business of one hundred and fifty millions, grown inside of a dozen years, Ford holds that money has value only as a transmitter, like electricity, to be kept moving for the best interests of everybody concerned. Men he views as all parts of a great machine in which every waste motion, every broken or inefficient part means a loss to the whole. "Every human being that lives is part of the big machine, and you can't draw any lines between parts of a machine. They're all important. You can't make a good machine by making only one part of it good.” The American reader of this remarkable autobiographical story book, be he sophisticated or unsophisticated, will involuntarily exclaim: If you don't know Henry Ford you don't know your own country! The publisher has rendered a service in producing the volume at this time of industrial readjustment and changing international outlook. The startling example of the Ford way of building a business is the main feature of the book. The last chapters give the key to his anti-war propaganda. I

have fifty-three nationalities, speaking more than one hundred different languages and dialects in my shops, says Ford; they have no trouble, for they realize that their interests are all the same. The real interests of all men are the same-work, food and shelter, happiness. People fight because they are wrongly taught that the only way to get things is to take them from somebody else. "The way to handle the war question is not to waste more and more energy in getting ready to hurt the other fellow. We must get down to the foundations: we must realize that the interests of all the people are one, and that what hurts one hurts all. We must know that, and we must have the courage to act on it.”.

F. C. B. The Elements of International Law. With an account of its origin, sources and historical development. By George B. Davis. Harper Brothers, New York, 1916.

The appearance of the fourth edition of Davis' International Law seems to merit a few remarks in explanation. In the first place this is something more than another edition; thanks to the work of Gordon E. Sherman, who brought it out after the author's death, it amounts to a revision. The significant changes since 1908, with such a wealth of material, demanded a new edition to keep abreast of the times; this volume is up to date, covering events up to 1916. The book has a good balance, devoting two hundred and seventy pages to the laws of peace, and two hundred to those of war. The treatise has a logical unity of order, suggesting at every point ti with a system of law covering at the same

[blocks in formation]

time conditions of war and of peace, avoiding the too frequent implication that war suspends the laws of peace. International Law is a complete system, and contemplates in its unity neither a condition of war nor of peace alone, but, unhappily up to date, a world of "war and of peace"; as Grotius so well put it, “De Jure Belli ac Pacis.” This book will help to destroy that idea of International Law as a dis joined set of rules which is so largely responsible for the distorted notion that “International Law has been destroyed by this great war.” International Law assumes the disturbance of static equilibrium as private law includes a body of adjective law for the protection of substantive rights. No system of law either natural or social contemplates & condition of quietism. The book under review illustrates the invaluable principles for teachers of this subject lately emphasized by a committee on The Teaching of International Law, headed by Professor Wilson, namely, that this is a branch of law and not a division of ethics or history or social theory or some equally vague field of discipline.

This is law, and the sooner we get away from the looser concepts of morality and the like, the better. To this end Judge Davis very happily illustrates principles with cases and the actual factual development of international life in the domain of law. These brief, but concise and suggestive, references to cases should lead easily into the study of cases in existence. The brevity of these references may be remedied by the use of Stowell's cases, volumes I and II, now indispensable to all elementary study of this subject. This treatise has much of the directness, relevancy and freshness that come from a man who has had to do with actual conditions. Probably the most deterrent feature in the study of a practical scheme of law has been the abstract, vague, remote and academic treatment of a field of study so preeminently practical. Judge Davis' book does much to correct this baneful influence. This treatise is scholarly, and by abundant but fortunately not redundant citations inspires scholarly research in its users. It suggests thoroughness but not the cumbrous burden of the overindustrious bibliographer. The valuable space has been wisely devoted to clear expositions, not to remote references to often unavailable citations. The wisdom of devoting so much space to appendices (one hundred and eighty pages) might be questioned in view of the abundance of material from the various Foundations and the pens of Scott, Hull, Wilson, etc. The book is well indexed, has an illuminating table of con

This picture of China's advance has the touch of reality which will make it a little classic of the Chinese revolution and the struggle for the republic.

The book, in the words of the author, is an endeavor “to do two things; first, to bring home to Western readers a series of direct impressions of present-day China, impressions which I hope will bring home to the imagination something of the quality of mind under which that country is now going forward; and second, to set forth, in a few bold strokes of general policy, the stirring and complicated series of crises which constitute its immediate historical background.”

This is a large purpose. But the author has produced the most compact statement of present trends in the Orient accessible to Americans. That it has pictured so vividly the driving power behind China's progress is an achievement in itself. Couple with this a straight-from-the-shoulder revelation of the present, and we have a statement which merits the attention of every thinking American. And events in the East should make Americans think.

In “Present-Day China,” Japan is indicted once again in terms unsparing. But the part played by European rivalries in sowing the seeds the Nipponese would harvest-rivalries in which the United States also has been involved — likewise is shown without extenuation.

Nowadays, it may well be said a country is no stronger than its finances. The latter part of “Present-Day China" turns the spotlight on the international financing of the republic and our own policy. It is a light that might well be heeded in these times of Middle Western loans to China and when the United States is once more asked to bind her freedom of action to the company of the Allied Bankers.

G. C. H.

In our review of Stanley K. Hornbeck's “Contemporary Politics in the Far East," in the December number of THE WORLD COURT, the publisher of this thorough survey of China and Japan was not given. The book is put out by the Appleton Company, New · York, at $3.00 net.

National and International Questions

of Forest Conservation

By CHARLES LATHROP PACK An address by Charles Lathrop Pack, of Lakewood, N. J., President of the American Forestry Association, to delegates appointed by Governors of States and by Canada, and to members, at the Thirty-seventh Annual Meeting and International Forestry Conference of the American Forestry Association, at Washington, D. C., January 18-19, 1917. Mr. Pack is also a Vice-President of the World's Court League.

In the name of The American to better protect the forests and 1 Forestry Association, I welcome better keep and use the great timber

you to this Forestry Conference resources, which are so valuable and at Washington. You have come necessary to the economic progress hither in answer to our invitation of the United States and Canada. Some of you have come long dis- The conservation of the forests is an tances, and many have done so at important factor in National preparthe cost of considerable personal in- edness in this country. If the great convenience. You are here to con- test of war comes to our people, it sider some of the vital questions of will be as vital to have natural reforest conservation, and the better sources available as to have men and protection and use of this great ammunition. We must have natural fundamental resource of the United resources in abundance back of our States and Canada. Among the Navy and our Army for adequate delegates appointed from Ontario defense. The life of a Navy and of and Quebec and from each of many an Army would not be safe without States of this country, we recognize it, and conservation, particularly of many familiar faces. You are ex- the forest and the mine and the soil, perts in forestry and natural re- is a constructive principle essential sources, and representatives of Na- to the end that we may be prepared. tional and local organizations con- I will not undertake before men of cerned in the development and use your wisdom and experience to disof the forests. Coming from Canada cuss any of the details of the imand from many States, this Confer- portant questions you are here to ence is, in effect, a meeting of the consider. These will be taken up representatives of the citizens of during your deliberations, and I conthese States of the Nation and of gratulate you on the program you the people of Ontario and Quebec. are to hear and consider. THE FOREST AND PREPAREDNESS

THE WHITE PINE BLISTER This is a trying time with those Expert investigation has estabwho would protect the forest. New lished that the white and other fiveenemies are at work, and you are leaved pines of the United States and here to devise plans, ways and means Canada are threatened by the white

« ПретходнаНастави »