P

EACE diplomacy of the United States becomes near-war diplomacy by the course of events during the past month. Our February "Black-and-White Book of Peace Diplomacy" - quickly commended by many readers-is therefore followed in this issue of the WORLD COURT MAGAZINE by an instalment of the official story of Near-War Diplomacy of the Neutrals. Perforce it is a serial story, of fact stranger than fiction, to be continued in our next. Germany begins this chapter with notice of sea zones barred to all neutrals. The answers culminate in President Wilson's request of Congress for a definite grant of protective power, limited to "armed neutrality," in order that the United States may independently defend its rights on the seas.

In the great debate concerning what shall be done by the nations after this war to establish better

guarantees of peace, important contributions appear in the open forum of this magazine. It will be seen that Mr. Taft's plea for the League to Enforce Peace hints that the United States may now be forced to join the Allies to enforce a just peace, goes on to advocate making an International Police Force out of joint use of armies and navies, and further holds that the threat of overwhelming international force will probably be sufficient in most cases to make its use unnecessary. Senator Lodge, among the leading debaters in the Senate, couples undiminished faith in force with argument for national defense, but frankly admits that he has changed his mind about the sanction of force for a proposed entangling league of nations. Mr. Emerson McMillin contributes a business man's direct observation of the difficulties in the way of enforcement by military or economic measures.

Dr. Levermore's timely analysis of "American Constructive Proposals for International Justice" will help every student, leader and worker in the cause. To bring out the big common purposes among leading plans whose differences confuse the public mind is a distinct service. Professor Hull's review and comparison of "Four Plans for Durable Peace" adds to one's equipment for clear thinking and concerted action. Recent activities of The World's

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Court League in New York have wide educational value as shown by several of the addresses published on following pages. Other valuable papers will appear in succeeding issues. Attention may here be called to the Washington's Birthday speeches of Dr. Scott and Dr. Iyenaga.

The reader of the WORLD Court MAGAZINE this month is also kept in touch with significant current utterances from many quarters regarding phases of international progress.

is doubtless too much to expect that men and women shall be anything but hen-minded in a time of world-strain like the present. Perhaps neither advocates of peace nor apologists for war care particularly whether they keep their heads or not, under the circumstances. Moreover, there is something to be said for insane courage in the chaos of war times. The fact is that one crisis after another seems to come on so rapidly that the human mind hardly apprehends the critical event of today before it must jump to another more crucial development of tomor

row.

There is some comfort in realizing that we are all, big and little, in the same boat. No war was ever waged on such a world scale; no land or sea upon the habitable globe is unaffected by it. Whose is the mind capable of wholly comprehending what it involves? Not king or peasant, commander or soldier, statesman or com

moner, capitalist or laborer, pope or pastor, philosopher or plodder, scientist or worker, president or citizen, editor or reporter. All of us glimpse broken bits and (mostly censored) scraps of the upheaval, but the apparent realities upon which we venture to base conclusions are only kaleidoscopic a day at a time. What is news to us this morning may not be the fact at all next day. The sweep of destruction bears no consistent relation to the pistol shot in the Balkans in 1914.

Reversion to savagery and resort to fateful chances of war have upset every normal standard of judgment. Complex emotions run wild and find curious expression in high and lowly places. Appeal on the one side to God to bring success, through ruthless warfare, is matched by an ethical declaration on the other side that the enemy is surely the Devil incarnate, whose utter destruction is the victory that God commands. Therefore, ac

cording to belligerent theology, the poor neutral is damned whether he tries to stay his hand or goes in hellbent.

Among us fear of what in fact may never happen contends with fear to acknowledge that there is in fact a world-war to deal with. Every species of special pleading for the militaristic organization of might, that governments now so fatally belligerent have used, reappears in our propaganda of fear, suspicion and defense. At the other extreme distraught peace-makers profess to face the situation by aeroplaning to the rarified atmosphere of non-resistance we "declare" our unalterable opposition to war in this crisis or any other crisis, they say.

Charity suggests that some allowance be made for the unprecedented

strain on emotions which leads of extremists both pacific groups and military to believe themselves sole possessors not of fear, but of superior courage for the right. Common sense dictates that mutual de

nunciation and recrimination give way to whole-hearted passion for constructive patriotism.

This is the time to stand by the government which we Americans have duly constituted, not a time for petty

To police millions of people who make up a nation, by means of an international army and navy, is one thing. To police kings and cabinet members with armies and navies at their command is quite another thing.

Aerial transportation as an important factor in developing Pan-Americanism was brought to public attention by the first Pan-American Aeronautic Exposition held in New York, February 8-15. Aircraft are bound to be international servants.

nagging or misinformed advices. The government is in position to obtain more accurate and comprehensive knowledge of the international storm than any of us. No exposition of fundamental American ideals, past, present or future, has been more universally approved than that put before the world by President Wilson's address to the Senate. In real or supposed emergencies the President has shown that he is neither a blind devotee of mere theoretical consistency nor a will o' the wisp like some people most of us know. The Houses of Congress, elected as our responsible representatives, do represent the nation as a whole quite as fairly and sanely as any other group we might select, not excepting certain self-authorized press critics that might be mentioned. With courageous conscience born of patience and forbearance and will to cooperate in better ways than war, Americans may be counted upon to stand solidly behind their own government when forced to the test of war. Appropriately the keynote of the Washington's Birthday celebration by The World's Court League was "America United in Patriotism and Faith in the Future."

Nineteen years ago our war with Spain gave passports to Señor Polo de Bernabe, Acting Minister at Washington. But our severance of diplomatic relations with Germany turns representation of the United States at Berlin over to Señor Bernabe, now Spain's Ambassador there. "It's beyond me," observes our neighbor, as he reads the news in his paper. And, so far, this curious turn of the diplomatic wheels appears to be the one war incident which fails to incite argument for or against war itself among American discussionists.