o'clock, on the morning of September 15, 1862. Every trunk, box, hole, and corner of the house was searched for papers. His kidnappers said some persons had sworn that Mr. Porter was Secretary of a Lodge of the Knights of the Golden Circle. This charge, will of course, have its proper weight with those who know that Mr. Porter cannot write his own letters. Mr. Porter is a quiet, inoffensive citizen, and takes no part in politics.

J. W. GIDEON.

Joseph W. Gideon is, and has always been, a farmer. He is a man of limited education, and makes very little pretentions as a politician. He was arrested at night, September 15, 1862, and immediately taken to Winterset. His kidnappers promised him a speedy trial, and a traitor's fate.

V. M. GIDEON.

Valentine M. Gideon was arrested at the same time with his brother, J. W. Gideon, and treated in a similar manner.

JAMES KEITH.

James Keith was brutishly torn from his needy family, before daylight, on the 15th of September, 1862.

He never heard of any charge, verbal, or otherwise, except "disloyalty." This shameful act of vindictiveness brought upon the head of its author the hatred of all good citizens. After the arrest of the gentlemen above named, they were dragged to Winterset, under promise of trial at that place; but for fear of rescue, they were hurriedly crammed into extra coaches, heavily ironed, (except J. K. Evans, Porter, and Keith,) and started early in the morning for Des Moines. The Marshal, Hoxie, by whose direction they were arrested, gave the guards the following order: "If a rescue is attempted, shoot the prisoners first. If any one of the prisoners attempts to escape, shoot, and shoot to kill

only halt him once." On the way to Des Moines, the officers and guard got dinner, but compelled the prisoners to remain

in the coaches. At Des Moines, the prisoners again demanded to know (as they had done at the time of their arrest,) upon what authority and for what cause they were seized. They were answered that they should know soon enough. They demanded trial, and were answered with jeers and insults.

Upon arrival at Des Moines, the prisoners, amid all kinds of insult, except personal violence, were marched to Camp Burnside, and given a sick man's allowance of dry bread. The next day they were again ironed, and driven to Newtown, in Jasper County, where they were joined by Naylor, Mann, and Beal. Their treatment from this time is given in Mr Naylor's narrative, all being confined together and treated alike.

The reception of the prisoners on arriving at Winterset, after their release, was most enthusiastic.

Their arrival at Des Moines was made known at Winterset in the shortest time possible, and in ten hours — hours of night mostly a concourse of jubilant Democrats, sufficiently large to form a procession one mile in length, convened at Winterset to welcome the martyrs home. The enthusiasm on the occasion baffles description.

The prisoners were met four miles east of the town, and escorted in triumph to their homes.

HON. RICHARD BENNETT CARMICHAEL.

MARYLAND, from the first settlement of the State down

to the present time, has had many citizens to whose names she can point with pride and admiration. Among them may be designated Richard Bennett Carmichael. Descended from one of the oldest families of the Eastern Shore, the name- which has been identified with the best interests of the State, before, during, and since the Revolutionary War-alone carries with it respect and confidence.

The father of Judge Carmichael was a lawyer of erudition and distinction, while he himself possesses the reputation of being one of the soundest and most learned lawyers of his State.

When quite a young man, he was elected a member of Congress, which position he filled with great satisfaction to his constituency. After his retirement from Congress, he engaged in professional and agricultural pursuits, at the same time being the recipient of many offices of honor and trust. Subsequently, he was chosen Judge of the Circuit Court comprising the Counties of Kent, Queen Anne, Caroline, and Talbot.

The election of Mr. Lincoln, in 1861, upon the issues involved, accomplished a great revolution in the State of Maryland as well as in the United States generally. The vote of the State of Maryland disclosed an almost total absence of sympathy in the principles which prevailed in that election. The doctrine of secession had not much favor with either of the parties which had divided the State from the foundation of the Federal Government. But the right of coercion of a State, by that Government, had never been recognized by either, and the leading men on both sides had disclosed decided

opposition to it. The sympathies of the State were with the South generally, and with Virginia in particular, when the prospect of separation began to be developed, after the election. Little doubt exists with any who observed the condition of things at that period, that, if Virginia had seceded in the early part of the winter following, Maryland would have gone with her. Geographical relation, community of interests, of institutions, association, and every tie which binds States and peoples together, served to make their fortunes one.

These causes, and the consequences so natural to them, led to the jealousy which possessed the Federal authorities toward Maryland throughout the war, and to the continued and multiplied oppression by which the State was borne down. to its very close. This, at least, is the charitable conclusion to be drawn from the course and conduct of the Government in this relation, and no Government ever stood more in need of charity in finding a pretext for its tyranny to the people of a "loyal State." For, notwithstanding her sympathy was in the main the other way, her action, as a State organization in all the departments, was firmly in adherence to the Union.

If statesmanship at Washington had not been so shallow, it would have discovered, what the people of the State had come to feel, long before the war broke out, that participation in the war on the side of the South, would lead inevitably to the sacrifice of the material interests of the State. When the people, in the first view of the situation, were ready to co-operate with Virginia in the movement of secession, they were under the sway of sympathy-of impulse to act with those with whom they felt in common. Moreover, it was believed that co-operation in such a movement would carry along Kentucky and Missouri, and a general conviction possessed every heart, that such concurrent action by these States would prevent the outbreak of war, and, after a time, bring about terms of conciliation between the North and the South. But, while Virginia was debating the policy of separation, impulse in Maryland was giving way to reflection,

and, when finally war was inevitable-when Mr. Lincoln, on the one side of the Potomac, had flung his banner to the breeze and called his hosts to arms, and Virginia, responsive on the other side, thundered forth her ordinance of secession-to the calm, sound, sober thought of Maryland, it was manifest she had no place but with the Union; that place she held geographically, and she assumed it politically. Her Governor, Hicks--though pledged, time and again, to individuals and to committees, in private and in public, to join the fortunes of the South, in the event of conflict between the North and the South-rallied to the Union; and her Legislature, although Democratic, resolved that Maryland had no alternative but to adhere to the Union.

Individual sympathy remained much with the South, but State purpose and policy was adhesion to the Union. The elections followed soon after, and disclosed heavy majorities in favor of the Union candidates.

In this condition of things, the policy taken by the Federal Government was to treat the State as a conquered province, and her people as enemies. The civil power was overborne, and military rule established on its ruins. Citizens were subject to the caprice of such characters as Butler, and Banks, and Dix, and were arrested and cast into prison without warrant of law, or form of trial. Hordes of spies and informers waited on the bidding of Federal chieftains; and in that class, it was found, by the capture of one of their camps by the Confederate forces, that the Governor, Hicks, had taken his becoming place. The Marshal of Police of the city of Baltimore was captured in his bed by a Federal regiment. The Police Commissioners of that city and the Mayor shared like fortune; and, as if to assure the people of the State there was no place or person which they could regard secure against the march of unbridled power, the Legislature were beleaguered, captured, and transported to a prison in a distant State.

The subject of this narrative, Judge Carmichael, at this time, was a Judge of one of the Circuits comprising the Counties of Kent, Queen Anne, Caroline, and Talbot. Before the