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This was followed by a circular instruction to our officers abroad:

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

WASHINGTON, April 25, 1881.

To the Diplomatic and Consular Officers of the United States. Gentlemen:

Letters of introduction in favor of American citizens traveling abroad will hereafter only be issued to officers of the government, or in cases where some special reason may make it the interest of the Department to commend some one to your consideration for a particular purpose. The practice of granting general introductory letters to facilitate travel will be discontinued.

With regard to outstanding letters of introduction, I have to observe that personal commendation to your courteous attentions is not to be construed as importing any claims to the hospitalities of the representatives of the United States abroad, or as requiring more than the kindly civilities which are naturally due to countrymen in a strange land, and which it is presumed they uniformly receive at your hands. For such purpose, a passport, or evidence of citizenship and identity is thought to be sufficient. Under no circumstances is it intended that the recommendation of the Department should entail any charge on you, or constrain you to render personal service to a visitor to the detriment of the business of your office.

I am, gentlemen,
Your obedient servant,

Nevertheless the free issuance of the letters was soon resumed and has continued ever since.

GAILLARD HUNT.

[The next section will be devoted to a further consideration of the duties of the Department.]

BOARD OF EDITORS OF THE AMERICAN JOURNAL

OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

CHANDLER P. ANDERSON, Washington, D. C.

CHARLES NOBLE GREGORY, George Washington University.
AMOS S. HERSHEY, Indiana University.
CHARLES CHENEY HYDE, Chicago, Ill.

GEORGE W. KIRCHWEY, Columbia University.

ROBERT LANSING, Watertown, N. Y.

JOHN BASSETT MOORE, Columbia University.
GEORGE G. WILSON, Harvard University.
THEODORE S. WOOLSEY, Yale University.

Editor in Chief

JAMES BROWN SCOTT, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, D. C.

Business Manager

GEORGE A. FINCH, 2 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C.

EDITORIAL COMMENT

TRIPOLI

On September 23, 1911, the Italian Government delivered a note to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Ottoman Empire pointing out the dangers to which Italian subjects were exposed in Tripoli and Cyrenaica and intimating the need of taking military action. The Turkish Government replied that Italian subjects were not exposed to danger, that normal conditions existed in Tripoli and Cyrenaica, and that it would guarantee the safety of Italian subjects. The reply of the Ottoman Government was considered unsatisfactory, and on September 28th the Italian Government sent an ultimatum setting forth its grievances and stating its intention to proceed to military occupation of the provinces, concluding with the demand for a satisfactory reply within

twenty-four hours from the presentation of the ultimatum, "in default of which the Italian Government will be obliged to proceed to the immediate execution of the measures destined to insure the occupation." The reply of Turkey, couched in conciliatory language, requested a statement of the guarantees which Italy would require for its subjects and its interests, promising to accept them as far as compatible with its territorial integrity, and binding itself not to modify existing military conditions in Tripoli and Cyrenaica during the negotiations, which the Turkish Government hoped would lead to an amicable adjustment of the difficulties. The reply of Turkey was deemed unsatisfactory, and at the expiration of the twenty-four hours specified in the Italian ultimatum, Italy issued, on September 29, 1911, a formal declaration of war against Turkey, and on the same day issued orders for a bombardment. of Tripoli by the Italian fleet under the command of Admiral Aubry.

It is not the purpose of the present comment to enter into a detailed discussion of the causes of the war or its method of prosecution, but to call attention to the haste with which hostilities were begun, without, apparently, exhausting the peaceful methods available for the settlement of the dispute between the two governments regarding the situation existing in Tripoli and Cyrenaica. For the present purpose it will only be recessary to examine three documents, namely: the ultimatum, the Turkish reply, and the Italian declaration of war.

As the case of the Italian Government depends upon the grievances set forth in the ultimatum it may be well to refer to the points enumerated in this document, the text of which is printed in the SUPPLEMENT to this issue. The first paragraph may be disregarded by reason of the generalities which it contains. The next paragraph states in unequivocal terms: "all enterprises on the part of the Italians, in the aforesaid regions, constantly encounter systematic opposition of the most obstinate. and unwarranted kind." The next paragraph states, without specifying, that Turkey has "displayed constant hostility toward all legitimate Italian activity in Tripoli and Cyrenaica," and declares it useless to discuss the proposal of Turkey "to grant any economic concession compatible with the treaties in force and with the higher dignity and interests of Turks," because the uselessness of such negotiations has been demonstrated by past experience and that such negotiations, "far from constituting a guarantee for the future, could but afford a permanent

1 SUPPLEMENT, p. 11.

cause of friction and conflict." The ultimatum then represents that on information received through Italian consular agencies, "the situation there is extremely dangerous on account of the agitation prevailing against Italian subjects, which is very obviously fomented by officers and other organs of the authorities." The Italian Government declares the agitation to constitute "an imminent danger not only to Italian subjects, but also to foreigners of any nationality who, justly perturbed and anxious for their safety, have commenced to embark, and are leaving Tripoli without delay." The arrival at Tripoli of Turkish military transports is regarded as aggravating the situation, and the Italian Government, finding itself, in view of all the circumstances, "forced to think of the guardianship of its dignity and its interests, has decided to proceed to the military occupation of Tripoli and Cyrenaica," and requests the Turkish Government to give the requisite orders so that the occupation. may meet with no opposition from the present Ottoman representatives, and that the measures which will be the necessary consequence may be effected without difficulty." Italy thus stated its intention to cut the Gordian knot, but expressed willingness to enter into negotiations after occupation, "to settle the definitive situation arising therefrom." Such is the Italian view of the situation, and it must have been regarded as very serious to announce the impending occupation, which, under ordinary circumstances, could only result in war.

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The Turkish reply states that a careful examination of the events of the last three years fails to disclose any hostility "to Italian enterprises relating to Tripoli and Cyrenaica." On the contrary, the Turkish Government insists that "it has always appeared to her normal and reasonable that Italy should cooperate by its capital and industrial activity in the economic regeneration of this part of the empire." The Turkish note calls attention to the fact that it has always welcomed propositions of this nature and that it was animated by a desire to cultivate and maintain friendly relations with the Italian Government when it recently proposed "an arrangement based upon economic concessions likely to furnish Italian activity a vast field of operation in the said provinces." The note then states positively that "not only is there at this time no agitation in these countries and even less of inflaming propaganda, but the officers and other agencies of Ottoman authority have as their mission the safeguarding of order, a mission which they perform conscientiously." Turning to the Italian grievance of a military expedition to Tripoli, the Turkish Government insists that but a single transport was sent, and 1 For text see SUPPLEMENT, p. 12.

that several days previous to the note of September 26th, and that this expedition had no troops on board and could only have a reassuring effect upon the people.

The final paragraph of the Turkish reply states what it conceives to be the essential grievance of the Italian Government, and its willingness to adjust the difficulties peaceably. Thus:

Reduced to its essential terms the actual disagreement resides in the absence of guarantees likely to reassure the Italian Government regarding the economic expansion of interests in Tripoli and in Cyrenaica. By not resorting to an act so grave as a military occupation, the Royal Government will find the Sublime Porte quite agreeable to the removal of the disagreement.

Therefore, in an impartial spirit, the Imperial Government requests that the Royal Government be good enough to make known to it the nature of these guarantees, to which it will readily consent, if they are not to affect its territorial integrity. To this end it will refrain, during the parleys, from modifying in any manner whatever the present situation of Tripoli and of Cyrenaica in military matters; and it is to be hoped that, yielding to the sincere disposition of the Sublime Porte, the Royal Government will acquiesce in this proposition.

As previously stated, it thus appears that the Turkish Government was willing to examine Italy's grievances, and, so far as territorial integrity would permit, to redress them in order to maintain peace between the two countries.

The Italian Government considered, as previously stated, the reply of the Turkish Government to its ultimatum as unsatisfactory, and on September 29, 1911, issued the following declaration of war:

Though the term granted by the Royal Government to the Imperial Government for carrying out certain measures which had become necessary has expired, no satisfactory reply has been received by the former government. The lack of such reply is confirmatory evidence either of the ill-will or of the powerlessness of which the Imperial Government and authorities have given so many proofs, particularly with regard to Italian rights and interests in Tripoli and Cyrenaica. The Royal Government is in consequence obliged to safeguard its rights and interests together with its honor and dignity by all means at its disposal. The result can only be regarded as the necessary, if painful, consequences of the conduct of the authorities of the Ottoman Empire. Friendly and pacific relations between the two States being thus broken off, Italy henceforth is at war with Turkey.

From one point of view the situation is regular. The forms of law regarding the ultimatum and the declaration of war are in accordance with the Hague Convention relating to the opening of hostilities, the essential paragraphs of which follow:

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