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that followed Leclerc's army vanished before it. In July Leclerc wrote that he was losing one hundred and sixty men a day and before the end of the year twenty-nine thousand men had died. 248 Leclerc himself succumbed in November and with his death French control was at an end. His successor, Rochambeau, held on for a year but he made no headway and he gradually lost what Leclerc had gained. The general's death had been decisive. Only at a cost of life impossible for France to afford, could Napoleon's vision of an American empire be realized. Napoleon's policy was at once reversed. Rochambeau was abandoned. Louisiana was sold to the United States. War was declared on England. The dream of a great French state on the Gulf of Mexico was at an end. Santo Domingo still remained nominally French but its reconquest was postponed until a more auspicious time.249 But the influence of Santo Domingo on Franco-American relations was not quite at an end.

Even before the departure of Rochambeau and the French troops, Santo Domingo had fallen under the control of one of Toussaint's lieutenants, of whom Sir Spenser St. John wrote; "The only good quality that Dessalines possessed was a sort of brute courage; in all else he was but an African savage, distinguished even among his countrymen for his superior ferocity and perfidy. He was incapable as an administrator, and treated the public revenue as his own private income."250 On January 1, 1804, the independence of the island was proclaimed and the old Indian name of Haiti was resumed to show the complete break with the past.

In September of that year an American agent was sent down to establish with Dessalines the friendly commercial relations which had been enjoyed by the United States

248 Stoddard, op. cit., 340.

249 Roloff, who has made a most careful study from archival material of Napoleon's colonial policy, maintains, in opposition to most writers on the subject, that Napoleon never for a moment surrendered the hope of regaining Santo Domingo and that his plans were laid for its reconquest at the earliest possible moment.

250 St. John, Haiti, or the Black Republic, 77.

with Toussaint Louverture. 251 During the two years in which Dessalines held power commercial intercourse continued much as it had during the five years preceding. American merchants had never lost touch with the negroes since trade was first established with them in 1791. Leclerc, despite strenuous efforts, had not been able to break up the smuggling while under Rochambeau American vessels avoided the ports held by the French in order to trade with the negroes. 252 The declaration of independence served as a stimulus to this commerce, the profits from which were enormous.

In the fall of 1804 Jefferson was meditating action against Great Britain to protect the rights of neutrals upon the high seas. Such a course drove him into the arms of France and his desire to win favor with that nation led him to frown upon the Santo Domingan trade. In 1804 the French declared a paper blockade of Santo Domingo, 253 to which the Americans replied by arming their merchant vessels and preparing to fight against any opposition.254 In October, 1804, John Quincy Adams found Jefferson determined to suppress trade with the island,255 but the most he was able to secure from Congress was a bill prohibiting merchantmen from arming for the West India trade and placing them under heavy bonds for good behavior.256 An amendment putting an end to all commerce with Santo Domingo was defeated by the casting vote of Burr.

The bill had little effect upon the trade with Santo Domingo. In the spring of 1805 a great fleet set out for Haiti with eighty cannon and seven hundred men. On the return of the flotilla in May a dinner was given in New York, toasts were drunk to the independence of Haiti and the friendship between the two nations was celebrated. This was too much for Napoleon and he instructed both Talleyrand and Turreau to write in vigorous terms de251 Ardouin, op. cit., vi, 108.

252 Roloff, op. cit., 115.

253 Writings of James Madison, vii, 136.

254 Writings of Albert Gallatin, i, 223.

255 Adams, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, i, 314.

256 New York Herald, December 1, 1804.

manding that the trade should be stopped.257 Jefferson was anxious at that time to secure the Floridas by French intercession, and was ready to do anything to keep the good will of France. Accordingly in December, 1805, Dr. Logan introduced a bill into the senate to put an end to all commercial relations with Haiti.258 There was a strong opposition to the measure from the Federalists, partly on party grounds, partly because the Federalists represented the commercial classes whose interests would be injuriously affected by the bill, and partly because of their unwillingness to act in subservience to France.259 But despite the opposition the bill passed and on February 28, 1806, received the president's signature.

The prohibition was continued from year to year. In June, 1809, Livermore, a Federalist from Massachusetts, proposed that the trade with Santo Domingo be resumed because of its value and importance, but he was met with a storm of abuse from the Southern senators and his bill received only his own vote. Within a few months, however, by the lapse of the prohibiting enactments, trade with Haiti was quietly renewed.260

The support which Jefferson received in his attack upon the Santo Domingan trade was to a certain extent a party support, but there was another factor which was already potent though it had not as yet been avowed. The slavocracy of the South was already awakening to the danger which threatened the basis of its power and this fear found its expression in a desperate opposition to any measure which tended to strengthen the relations existing between the United States and the negro republic whose influence upon its own institutions was most bitterly dreaded.

257 American State Papers. Foreign Relations, ii, 726-727. 258 Annals of Congress, 9 Cong, 1 sess., 26.

259 Benton, Abridgments of the Debates in Congress, iii, 349-351, 360. 250 Hildreth, op. cit., vi, 181-183.

NOTES AND REVIEWS

Nationalism, War and Society. BY EDWARD KREHBIEL, Ph.D., Professor of History in Leland Stanford Junior University. New York: The Macmillan Company. 1916.

In this volume, which has just appeared, Professor Krehbiel has presented a syllabus of nearly every topic which is necessary for an understanding of the fundamental problems of International Relations. The scope of the work may be judged from the titles of a few of the chapters: nationalism, the case for nationalism and the war system, the faults of nationalism and the war system, the armed peace and its fruits, the economic consequences of war, public debts, war and sociology, war and biology, the role of force, modern internationalism, idealist pacifism, practical pacifism, international law, international arbitration, limitation of national sovereignty education and peace, and the great war and pacificism. Each chapter is divided into topics, with short paragraphs giving summaries of the various points of view, and with striking quotations and a bibliography. It is a work of value for the serious student of international relatlons. It would make an excellent text-book for a college or university class dealing with the problem of international government, or world organization.

Our Eastern Question: America's Contact with the Orient and the Trend of Relations with China and Japan. By THOMAS F. MILLARD. New York: The Century Company. 1916.

Mr. Millard is intimately acquainted with the Far East through years of residence and travel, and has written an interesting account of the present tangled Oriental situation. While strongly anti-Japanese, as is natural for one living mostly in China, he has made an important addition to the serious literature on the subject. The student will especially welcome the hundred and fifty pages of appendices which give a large number of source documents.

146

The Problems and Lessons of the War. Clark University Addresses. Edited by George H. Blakeslee, Professor of History and International Relations, Clark University, with a foreword by G. Stanley Hall, President of Clark University. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1916. $2.00. The following are quotations from recent reviews of this volume: "A notable addition to war literature."-New Tork Times.

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"An important collection of addresses. No better example of free speech and the willingness to hear all sides of important questions could be found, than is exhibited in this volume. In all there are twenty-four papers presenting a wide range of opinion as expressed by men, each one a recognized authority on the subject with which he deals."-The Congregationalist.

"One of the soberest and most suggestive contributions to the literature of the European cataclysm. the book repre

sents a dispassionate and reasonable attempt to arrive at the truth in regard to the fundamental problems of the conflict.”— Springfield Republican.

"One seeking the best in the vast output on the subject war and preparedness will welcome The Problems and Lessons of the War."-Cincinnati Times.

"A literary tribunal, as it were, that shows the broad and diverse viewpoints of English and Germans as well as Americans, by men and women of distinguished achievement."-Bookseller, New York.

"There are those who can still discuss the war calmly and dispassionately, free from prejudices and with a view to its effects on the future of the world. Some of the best of them contribute to the wealth of valuable discussion which lies between the covers of The Problems and Lessons of the War,"-Buffalo Commercial.

"American, British and German viewpoints are presented and each in a calm, clear and vigorous fashion, which will claim and hold the reader's attention regardless of his predisposition to one side or the other."-Spokane Spokesman Review.

Contemporary Politics in the Far East. By STANLEY K. HORNBECK. New York and London: D. Appleton and Co. 1916. Professor Hornbeck has given an excellent and fairminded account of the international relations of the Far East. The first part of the volume summarizes the recent history of China

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