to learn how the United States may best be of service to its southern neighbors.

4. Let the American republics develop and perfect an American League to Enforce Peace. But it should be understood that, while it is possible to have a league whose powers would be limited to giving to each of its members a joint guarantee of independence and territorial integrity, yet it is not possible to have a league with indefinite authority in which each state would have a single vote and in which a majority of the states could determine and control the common action of the Americas as a whole. The United States in population, wealth, trade and commerce is of more importance than all the other American republics combined. It would be absurd to attempt to form a league in which the five small Central American states might outvote such countries as the United States, Argentina, Brazil and Chile. The American republics can agree to give each other certain definite guarantees, but they can not enter into a league to determine matters of general interest on the basis of equality of voting power.

5. Let us extend our trade with Latin America; but remember that the United States must stand for the "open door" on this hemisphere, just as it stands for the "open door" in the Orient. Let there be a fair field and no favors. If our business men, by energy, ability and organization, can extend our trade and commerce with Central and South America, so much the better; but if we attempt to shut the door against equal opportunity for the countries of Europe, by inducing the Latin American republics to discriminate against them by the erection of tariff barriers, or the withholding of concessions, we shall then be giving Europe a cordial invitation to unite in the overthrow of the Monroe Doctrine. In a volume on British foreign policy written before the war by Sir Harry Johnson, he said, in describing the things for which Great Britain should go to war, that it would probably even fight against the United States for one cause an interference by the United States with the freedom of commerce and trade in Latin America. There seems unfortunately to be an idea among some in this country that

Pan Americanism means artificial advantages for the United States and a denial of the completely open door for Europe.

6. Let us coöperate whenever common problems arise. But the United States should realize that while the Latin American countries are willing and even eager to coöperate in the solution of most American problems, there is yet one field which they will not enter; they will not take part in any armed intervention in the internal affairs of any independent American republic. This attitude was made clear, if proof were needed, by the utterances of statesmen, by congressional debates and newspaper discussion throughout South America, a little over a year ago, just before the delegates of the United States and the six Latin American republics met in consultation over the Mexican situation.

It would be to the distinct present advantage of the United States to adopt a course of more complete coöperation with the other American republics. Such a policy would have given us, in all probability, a better solution of the Mexican problem. If at the time the Mexican revolution began to affect the interests of other lands, the President of the United States had laid the whole situation before representatives of the Latin American countries, and had stated that our government would deal with it as a common American problem and, after thorough consultation with them, had formulated a joint, all-American policy of action, this course would probably have preserved all that has been good in President Wilson's own Mexican policy and would have obviated all of its mistakes.

In the present war it would have been better had the United States joined with the other American republics to define and defend their common rights as neutrals. The Latin American countries, particularly Argentina, Chile and Brazil, have had the same problems that we have had; their rights have been infringed by both belligerents in the same way, especially by the submarine activity on the one side, and by the seizure of mails and the unjust application of the black list on the other. Efficient coöperation would

have been feasible, for the Latin American republics as individual states have taken practically the same attitude on questions of neutrality as has our own country.

Whenever the United States coöperates with Latin America it helps and furthers the policy of Pan Americanism. Whenever we coöperate in matters involving Europe, it gives our action greater strength. Whenever we cooperate in settling Pan American problems, it makes these problems easier of solution.

Taking a statesman's view and looking into the future, to the next few decades and even centuries, to a time when an increasing number of the Latin American republics will be strong, powerful, self-conscious states, it is clear that this new formula of coöperation is the only international salvation for the countries of this hemisphere; the only means of saving us from treading again the path of blood and war which Europe has trodden for two thousand years. The responsibility for developing our occasional Pan American coöperation into a definite system rests largely upon the United States, the strongest of the American republics. It is clearly then the part of American statesmanship to hold up as a national ideal a genuine coöperative Pan Americanism, to work for it, to make concessions for it, and, if necessary, to sacrifice minor issues to obtain it.

THE HINDU IN CANADA

By Sunder Singh, Editor of "The Aryan," Toronto, Canada

The migration of peoples from one part of the world to another is always interesting and especially is this the case with the Hindus of India, who in the past settled in Java, Sumatra and other islands of the Indian Archipelago. The modern movements of these people constitute a story of absorbing importance. The fact that the Hindus have not emigrated to other parts of the world but have practically remained isolated and unto themselves gives the movement of the Sikhs to Canada its significance. The Hindus of recent years have moved in batches to South Africa, Australia, the British West Indies, the Straits Settlements, and the Far East. To all these countries they go generally from certain well-defined areas. One can almost point with a finger the particular locality on the map from which the emigrants go to these parts of the world. The Hindus who have come to Canada are mostly Sikhs. They are from the Punjab and from a few districts round about Lahore. The density of population there is more than one per acre. They depend almost entirely on agriculture. There are hardly any industries to speak of, and it is primarily because of the overcrowded state of agriculture that the Sikh, who is fond of fresh pastures, goes abroad.

The first Sikhs to see Canada, I have been told, were those returning to India after the Diamond Jubilee celebration in London. They saw the vast prairies of this great Dominion, which are not unlike the plains of the Punjab. There were the waving crops of wheat, which is raised so well in their own province. It was not till 1904 that a very small number of these hardy men crossed from Hongkong to Vancouver. At first when they came it was hard to get work, but as soon as they gained their way,

they found plenty to do. Their employers recommended these men to others for the hard-working and steady abits of the Sikhs. I have heard of the privations and hardships of these men when they came here first. One case I specially remember-a Sikh new-comer, who lived entirely on potatoes like our friends, the Irishmen, for quite a considerable period.

There was no organized effort on the part of the Sikhs coming to Canada. It was all spontaneous. These men wrote back to their friends in the Far East of the great opportunities for labor in the Dominion. In China and nearby countries there is always a steady stream of men from North India, who work as policemen, soldiers and in various other capacities. This class was the next to come. They came in small parties from Hongkong, Shanghai, Manchuria and the Straits Settlements. They were accustomed to British laws and institutions. Then came the peasant proprietors of the Punjab, who mortgaged the small pieces of land handed down by their ancestors, and who staked their all on the great venture.

It was in the years 1905 to 1908 that most of the Sikhs now domiciled in Canada landed in this country. They were tall and wiry men of fine physique. They came from a cold climate and were used to roughing it, as they say out West.

The Chinese were the first of the Oriental newcomers; the Japanese were next to follow; and the Sikhs came last of all. In 1907-08 there was a financial panic, and the results were spread far and wide. Work was hard to get, but the Sikhs, by their practical self-denial and helping each other, tided over the hard times. The Chinese, having a government of their own, are represented by consuls, who take care of their interests. The Japanese can protect their nationals abroad, as is known to all. But with the Sikhs it was otherwise. During the stringency a great agitation was set on foot against the Orientals. Racial prejudice and passions rose high. Riots occurred against the Chinese and Japanese in 1907, and I have been told of a very anxious night which the Sikhs spent in their