nary amount of evidence to show the German hatred and contempt for other nations and, sadly enough, it is the preachers who furnish the capstone to his argument. The German mind is now completely, efficiently mobilised!

The purport of this whole paper is embodied in a quotation from W. H. Dawson's What's Wrong with Germany? (p. 65):

Another collateral result (of the conception of the State) has been the perversion of patriotism. This, too, has been officialized and governmentalized until it has lost the old idealistic meaning. As the state machine manufactures opinion, so it manufactures patriotism, or rather the spirit and sentiment which do service for it under a system which identifies patriotism with slavish acceptance of the official policy, and loyalty with mechanical adulation of the sovereign. Today patriotism is 'taught' in the schools as part of the recognized curriculum, like grammar and geography; not only by a means of a skilfully devised rotation of national celebrations, but by systematic perversion of history.

To substantiate this and to show the working out of the whole principle, I quote from the Schriften der Münchner Freien Studentenschaft, Heft 4, Der Krieg und die Jugend, von G. Wyncken:

The war will cost a quarter of a million in dead-about the number of infants who die every year and who might be saved. It will cost 30,000,000 marks-about the sum spent for alcohol in ten years. Is war "out there" any worse than the distress in times of peace, than the disparity between poverty and riches? Soldiers suffer for us, but thousands suffer for us in times of peace and we accept it without comment. So was our peace really better than war? I do not believe so. Why, our peace was itself war, a struggle for existence. do the people work so well for the state as in war. war is not a political but an ethical experience. war is not for a place in the sun but for the higher transcendent values, a holy war that does not look to man or to posterity for indorsement, but on high.

In no way To the youth

The

Here again is the haunting "chosen people" motif. That an extraordinary parallel to the People of Israel may be drawn is shown in the following quotation, written before the war and with no reference to Germany:

Their unique situations, surrounded on all sides by warlike and hostile communities, wedged in between emp res, demanded from the Jews a combination of qualities unparalleled in the history of the world. In that sense at least may they be regarded as a chosen people.

That they emerged at all from this ordeal, must be ascribed to the perpetual haunting sense of God's presence, which alone could have sufficed to give them the necessary cohesion. The belief in God always went hand in hand with patriotism. The prophets looked to ultimate restoration of Israel, purged by suffering. Even when they had lost their independence, even amid all the leveling influences of Greek and Roman civilization, the Jews preserved their faith and character, and bequeathed not only the heroic example of the Maccabees, but the mellow and gentle wisdom of the Rabbis. We see, by the example of these great peoples, how essential is the bond of a common personality, a communion of souls uniting the last with the future (The History of English Patriotism, Esmé Wingfield-Stratford, 2 vols., 1913).

A communion of souls uniting the past with the future; once she can bring this about Germany's perpetuation is assured; that she is being threatened with destruction is in the last analysis due to the fact that her Weltanschauung represents a conflict of souls-and the dynastic state is the cause of the conflict.

AMERICA ASLEEP AS NEW WORLD ERA OPENS1

By F. E. Chadwick, Rear-Admiral, U. S. N. Retired

We are in the midst of a situation which is only comparable to that of the fifth century. Every man who thinks at all knows that there was never a more pressing call for seriousness of thought and character; that it is no time for emotionalism or snap judgments.

We have no doubt our varying views as to how the terrible situation in which the world is now has come about. I will only say that its origin is not of today. We must go back to the sixteenth century for its beginnings in the carving up of the world into what are now called "spheres of influence," and to the struggles which have been continuous, or at least sleepless, since then for maritime and commercial supremacy.

There was practically not even a rest until the end of the Napoleonic period, when the Spanish, Dutch and French navies being swept from the seas, British imperialistic control was fully established. I shall not go into the details of this accomplishment which every schoolboy is taught, but which few remember, and the philosophy of which even their instructors rarely take in. But in this philosophy is the secret of this great war.

It has been the ever active greed of individuals, corporations and nations which began and continued our present conditions. I am not finding fault with what, in its beginning was a perfectly natural and elemental thing. But it should not have fastened itself upon the world so fixedly.

It is unfortunate that the conditions were intensified instead of being alleviated along with the rest of the world's changes for the better; as, for instance, democracy instead

1 An address delivered before the Lawyers Club of New York.

of feudalism and autocracy; freedom instead of chattel slavery.

In my view, there could at any time have been an adjustment of methods which would have secured peace. Had the principles of the Monroe doctrine had universal application two centuries before it was enunciated for American consumption only, the world would have been saved centuries of strife and Niagaras of blood.

Had such a principle been applied, say in the eighteenth century, our revolution would not have been, nor the Napoleonic wars, for all these were wars over economic questions.

Have we learned anything by all these bloody struggles? Not much. We find here at home talk of renewal of "protection," so-called, but which should really be called "restriction" of trade. And we know of the late meeting in Paris of the representatives of the Entente powers, which meeting was declaredly for an economic war, which could only bring again this war of blood.

In regard to the actual outbreak, I would advise waiting a bit to make up your minds. "Truth is the daughter of Time," and a few years will clear the atmosphere of doubt and fallacy. There is no use in forming a judgment as to events on publications since August 3, 1914. It is impossible to have a sane judgment in these great matters unless one were a student of them before the war.

To such the war was no surprise, for its imminence and certainty were clear years before.

We were ignorant here because of a shallow press for one thing and on account of our general distaste for anything not strictly commercial for another. Newspaper men are necessarily, as a rule, by the exigencies of their profession, but skimmers of affairs, so to speak. Every day they have to get out in a few hours a great heterogeneous mass of socalled information, most of which is of a trivial character and a great part of which had better not appear at all.

Having necessarily to deal chiefly with the immediate present, they have no time for the philosophy of things. There are, of course, exceptions, but thought in the main

is reserved for the weekly or monthly publications, and we find none too much of it there.

When one comes to know the fact, and it is a great fact, that the vast majority of all classes don't think, and don't want to think, one can understand how vital to human uplift a good newspaper press is. The thoughtful man with us must as a rule turn to the admirable foreign reviews, of which there are many, but of thich there are too few in our own country.

And this is so because there is too little demand for serious literature. We don't in the main take kindly to serious things; we like a baseball game better. It has thus come about that we know nothing of the foundations of this war.

I say this deliberately. We have had plenty of emotions, but few sound judgments. You cannot form a judgment of such a world-moving event by detached incidents, terrible and heartrending as these may be. Thus the wellknown Boston lawyer, John Chipman Gray, who was an officer in our Civil War, describes, in a letter printed in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for May last, a meeting with Sherman on his arrival onthe coast after his famous march through Georgia.

He mentions Sherman's telling, "with evident delight how, on his march, he could look forty miles in each direction and see the smoke rolling up as from one great bonfire."

Can we base our opinion of the justification for that war upon such things? No more can we base our opinions of this war upon actual or supposed atrocities on either side.

Such things, sad and terrible, stir out feelings, but they should not warp our judgment of the much greater questions of this world moving matter. Most of us are, however, I fear, in the situation of an old friend of mine who said, "I do not like to have my prejudices upset by facts." Coming back to events: The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were spent in wars to rearrange world ownership. France had occupied a large part of North America and many of the West Indian islands; Holland was also an owner in North America, possessing a great