A BENEFICIARY'S PLEA.

Concerning the proposal to change the old-age pension system of our International, I feel it my duty to plead against any increase that might risk the integrity of the fund-secured by the loyal generosity of the hard-working health of the trade. "The surplus?" Thank God, and the good men! Yes, a surplus is shown; but the years are rolling on and the old men are multiplying, and the ratio of this increase threatens today to grow rapidly than through the last two years; it is a probability which alarms me.

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The trend of virility is ever toward exhaustion. Conservation of life and comfort is a doctrine that draws against itself the intense energy of greed anew with every new pronouncement; as when a few men saw the debasement of all-day drudgery through twelve to sixteen hours in the English textile trade, and made a plea for a shorter workday, at the very modest limitation of ten hours, great hostility was encountered. Elaborate treatises were published showing the difficulty of clothing and supplying the general needs of the people, and proving impracticable the doctrine of "cutting down and increasing." Canon Stowell, of Manchester, was early given a leading place in the movement, and I have heard from some of his parishioners of the storms of abuse cast on him, scorn even from mill hands gathered in the streets, sacrifices constantly through two decades, till success in 1848. (His name may best be recognized as author of the beautiful hymn, "The MercySeat." I was honored with an autograph letter from him direct when I entered the shorter workday lists fifty years ago, in New York state. died in 1865.) It is true that men work twelve hours a day, seven days a week, in American furnaces this far into the twentieth century; that there are textile mills in the United States working women and children "long" days.

He

Conservation of life and its comforts is the first duty of man. In the beginning, God "put man into the garden to dress and to keep it." (Douay, King James, Revised.) Again and again were forceful lessons presented through centuries that it is wicked to waste working power, but the lessons seem wasted. There came a man whom many call "The Teacher," who once, seeing His disciples over-busy-carrying cripples to him for healing, counseling inquirers, leading up the blind-so intent on work they found no time even to eat, imperatively ordered them to cease their ministra tion, to "Come apart and rest awhile." This, with other things of the kind, was written for our learning. But the passion for speeding will fight against God to His face; despite the blessings come with the eight-hour system, work is being so graded as to eat up the people, and sixty-year-olds will make the scrap heap grow with cumulative rapidity.

I am in my seventy-fifth year; am drawing pension and living on my neighbors; but as honest as ever I said "hungry," I don't want it that way. I want to hear "Time!" with the old "30," and lay down in my last sleep. I know myself near

the last call, and change can make little difference to me; but for the sake of the troop following, Don't jar the pension fund. JOSEPH JOYCE. Baltimore, Md.

THE COST-FINDING SYSTEM.

In the May JOURNAL I find an article on the unit cost system-a method, to my mind, which is a "chestnut." I have no fault to find with the system if at first the job is started right. I mean where the material for the job is in its place and ready for the compositor. Before giving out work the foreman or superintendent should see that rules are cut (labor-saving rules should be used), leads and slugs in their respective places and the type cases (job) are all full; then give out the whole job to one man, who should go through the copy, marking the display lines, etc. Now we are ready for the compositor. No idle instructions, no time wasted. Now we are ready to start and see what the job should cost, not what the job does

cost.

Where you work with, say, a dozen set of rules and have to set up several pages, take proofs, then pull off the rules and "pick" about half the job type for the next page, there is no reason to use the system, as it is then only a means for the "boss" to find fault with the work. I have worked for foremen who would give me proofs of sixteen or seventeen pages when I was to lock up and sheetwise thirty-two, and they did not know enough to give me the size of stock, trim size of the book, or the nature of the binding; but they used the "unit system," and could find fault over that to perfection.

Let the employing printer first take work fitted for his office and material, and have the material in its place, and we as compositors will get the work out on time and as cheaply as it should be done.

Let the foreman study the capabilities of each compositor, i. e., one may be competent to do certain kinds of work and no other. Our trade today is so divided one can not be expert in all lines. Give to the man what he best can do. Give the stone man stone work, as mixing up compositors with make-ups not only sends to press forms badly out of register, but lacking riding qualities. It also saves the hands of compositors for composition. W. C. RYDER.

Boston, Mass.

REPRESENTATIVES of the parties concerned in the existing dispute between the coal miners and the operators of British Columbia and Alberta held a consultation and have requested Hon. W. L. Mackenzie King to name a chairman of a board of conciliation to investigate the controversy. The minister of labor immediately selected Dr. C. W. Gordon, of Winnipeg. It is stated that the selection is acceptable, for the reason that Dr. Gordon is familiar with mining conditions and has shown a sympathetic interest in the lives and work of the miners.

THE CHICAGO SITUATION AS A PHASE OF LOCAL AUTONOMY.

There are so many incomprehensible phases of the Chicago trouble that one almost hesitates to venture upon a discussion of it from any point of view, even with the statement in THE TYPOGRAPHICAL JOURNAL for April, including the direct recital of facts, the letter of President Lynch and the letter of the Chicago correspondent. On the other hand, there are features of the situation which stand out so clearly that there can be no question about them. One may well steer clear of any attempt to analyze or unravel the complicated question for arbitration, namely, the proper standard of measurement under the bonus system, which rests upon a careful interpretation of the phraseology of the scale of prices and the contract; here indeed the altogether strange thing is that a scale which made express provision for the horizontal measurement of type faces should have omitted mention of the minimum length of a standard line. Beyond questions of this character, which can be settled and should be settled only by arbitration, there are one or two matters which, lamentable as the friction which brought them about may be, are invaluable for the directness with which they bring home the lessons which they teach.

Why did the Chicago printers strike? There can be no question that the strike was illegal? The law is simple, plain enough for any layman, explicit. It is not a new law, and its provisions are not unfamiliar to the membership. President Oberly's report to the sixteenth session of the National Typographical Union at Washington in 1868, referring to the numerous strikes and difficulties of 1867, said that all strikes were disastrous and all the "difficulties" (mark the word) expensive luxuries to the unions directly interested. The nineteenth session at Baltimore in 1871 recommended arbitration, as the pernicious effects of strikes on general business had been demonstrated, resulting disastrously (even when seeming most successful) to the interests of both employer and employe. At the twenty-third session at Boston in 1875, President Bodwell reported that the recommendation of the International Typographical Union that "all honorable means should be used to avoid a strike," was yearly receiving more attention from subordinate unions, and as it does so the prosperity and strength of our organization increases; he condemned the argument of force, and favored reasoning, persuasion, convincing argument and arbitration. The same convention adopted a general law requiring that every member of a subordinate union voting on the question of a strike must have been a member in good standing of such subordinate union for at least six months. The twenty-fourth session at Philadelphia in 1876 supplemented this general strike law by requiring a three-fourths vote of the union. With the strike fund law adopted at the thirty-first session at New York in 1886 was enacted a provision requiring consent of the executive council to legalize a strike to the extent that the strikers might participate in strike benefits.

More drastic prohibition of hasty and ill-considered strikes have come later, but thus was laid the foundation for the general laws as stated in sections 146 and 151 of the 1911 book of laws.

No strike vote appears to have been taken by Chicago Union. Instead of that, reliance was placed on article 18 of the Chicago constitution, which provides that a two-thirds vote of a chapel may order a strike for non-payment of wages only. At first glance this article appears directly contrary to section 146 of the general laws, and therefore forbidden by article 1, section 1, of the International constitution, wherein it says, "while to subordinate unions is conceded the right to make all necessary laws for local government which do not conflict with the laws of the International Union," the express limitation of the concession forbidding local laws contrary to International laws. Some justification for such a law, however, appears in section 151 of the general laws, which reads, "But should a strike, lockout or reduction of wages be forced on a union without an opportunity to carry out the provisions of section 145 and 146, said union shall be entitled to the full privileges of the defense fund." However, no such contingency as this had arisen in Chicago. In the first place, the Chicago article did not apply, for the question at issue was not "non-payment of wages," but one of interpretation of a scale; and again section 151 did not apply for the same reason; there was no attempt to reduce wages, merely a dispute as to the meaning of a scale of prices, coupled with an offer to place the amount of money in dispute in the hands of the president of the union. Over and beyond the law of the International Union was the well-established practice of arbitration boards, in settling wage questions, of awarding back pay. And besides all this, the Chicago difficulty did not arise suddenly and the crisis was not precipitated without warning. There was no need of haste; negotiations were in progress for at least two weeks; there was ample time to take advantage of all the constitutional privileges. Here again the action of the chapels becomes incomprehensible. The law was clear. Why was not the law observed?

The strike being illegal, the International law again is clear and explicit. Section 147: "Whenever a strike occurs without the sanction of the executive council, the council must immediately disavow the illegal strike." Thus the sanction for the action of the executive council-the plain duty. imposed upon it-is found in the general lawsnot in the much-abused arbitration agreement. The point to be emphasized here is not merely that "President Lynch's censure and disavowal of the strike by the executive council were warranted by the law," using the words of the Chicago correspondent, but that the law compelled the action of the president and the council; that the law imposed an absolute and unqualified duty upon them. Note that the words used in the law are not "may disavow"-there is no option; but "must immediately disavow."

Further on in the Chicago correspondent's letter we find what is probably the seat of the whole controversy, possibly the explanation for the un

satisfactory conditions still prevailing in Chicago as an aftermath. "The plain truth of the matter," says Mr. Wynne, "is that, when a union once signs a contract of the kind we have, it loses all control over its scale; the contract and the laws give all the powers to others; there is too great a centralization of power, and, like all Jeffersonian democrats, I vote against it, but appear to be in the minority." The editor of THE TYPOGRAPHICAL JOURNAL should have ordered that paragraph printed in bold face. When a man marries his troubles begin. Until that time he is a free lance. When a man makes a contract, the person in whose favor the obligation runs has an undisputed right to hold the maker of the contract to the obligation. Good law of course. Doesn't it apply to a union as well? Isn't it the purpose of the contract system as applied to collective bargaining of wages to bind both parties-the union and the publisher? There is no need to pause for an answer to that question. Yes, Mr. Wynne, when you or your union makes a contract it binds you both. The originality of Mr. Wynne's idea is that the contract system is undemocratic, or contrary to Jeffersonian democracy. Jeffersonian democracy is political-it has no commercial aspects, except in so far as it and the law provides for freedom of contract. But once the free parties to a contract have made the contract, it is presumed that each for the surrender of his freedom to contract in the particular instance has secured a return. In the making of union contracts there is a mutual surrender of freedom-the union surrenders its freedom to change its scale and agrees to accept wages at the scale carried by the contract; the publisher surren ders a right to make special contracts with his employes, engages to pay a minimum wage to all, and surrenders his right to discharge them at will. But says Mr. Wynne: "The contract and the laws give all the powers to others." Exactly true; good law; necessary law. When a man makes a contract, he surrenders the exclusive right to interpret it; otherwise it would not be a bargain. The law courts are tribunals for the interpretation of commercial contracts. In our wise relations with employers, we have established arbitration boards for the interpretation of the contracts which we make with employers. Are we less democratic than the merchant who makes a contract and submits to a court's interpretation of it?

In an article entitled "Local Autonomy a Fallacy," printed in the April JOURNAL, I emphasized the necessity of separating the sense of words from their sound. Now Mr. Wynne has certainly gotten the sense of our contract relations with employers, but he doesn't like it because it doesn't sound good to him. Let him stop up his ears and shut out the sound; keep to the sense and think it all over again. The mixture of politics with business is as mentally detrimental to both as the mixture of whisky with either. "If whisky interferes with your business, drop business." Substitute "politics" for whisky, and you have an admirable paraphrase. I am frank in saying that I believe there was just a little too much "politics" mixed into the Chicago friction. Mr. Wynne lays his ob

jection to the condition which prevails on distinctly political terms, using the scientific word democracy. Has he made good his statement that "there was no deliberate attempt to disregard the constituted authorities?" There may have been no "attempt to disregard;" I don't call it an "attempt" when the offense is actually committed. And the law doesn't bother with prosecution for an attempt under the same circumstances. Whether or not there was an attempt to disregard the law, the law certainly was disregarded. Why? Providence, R. I. CHARLES CARROLL.

NEWARK'S JUNIOR PRINTERS.

Fashions change with time, and the erudite mind of man falls a victim to the progress with which it comes in contact. Contagion of ideas is responsible for the spread of knowledge and erstwhile consanguinity of occupation offers contact points for the loose tag-ends of later-day truths. While the history of printing has dealt liberally with the men whose achievements have elevated the craft to its present dignified plane, yet the youth of the trade have been more or less neglected and given their own freedom in any effort which they may have desired to make in garnering general knowledge, as well as matters directly concerned with their trade. Seldom has direction been given these efforts.

sons.

Efforts have been frequently made to introduce into the labor field a new element by bringing together the apprentices-the men of the morrowand direct in some manner their attention to the requirements of their chosen calling. Many of these efforts have failed signally and for many reaPerhaps a chief reason has been the overlooking of the natures of those whom it was sought to weld into a compact unit. "Boys will be boys," and anything which may add to their juvenile enthusiasm will add to their interest in less sentimental affairs. It is at least possible to cultivate the practical side of their natures while catering to their youthful spirit.

Some two years ago Newark Typographical Union No. 103 brought together the apprentices within its jurisdiction and formed a junior organization; a constitution and by-laws, following the plan of a similar organization in Denver, was adopted; officers were elected, and T. C. Price was appointed by No. 103 as mentor to the boys. Gradually the organization rounded into shape, meeting twice in each month, spanning the summer solstice by suspending activities, and again resuming meetings with the fall season. Originally the majority of the apprentices within the jurisdiction of Newark Typographical Union were enrolled as members, but gradually the roll has been depleted, and out of a possible thirty-two but eighteen are at present actively identified with the organization. Of the fourteen others, some are employed on morning newspapers, others reside at a considerable distance from the place of meeting, and still others are ineligible to admission under the constitution of the organization.

Realizing the unique position which they occu

pied in the labor field, the boys proceeded to make their organization a non-dues-paying but self-sustaining body, to that end arranging entertainments which have proven eminently successful. In the latter part of the month of April they decided to hold a shirtwaist party to further augment their treasury, and furnish the sinews of war in event of the unexpected happening, for it may be the boys will arrange trolley rides, excursions, dinners or some other form of entertainment during the summer, and it is always convenient to have a few dollars to fall back upon for immediate expenses or for possible deficits.

However, it is not entirely pleasure upon which these lads are bent. They are earnest, thoughtful, sober boys whose first thought is for the future and the economic station in society which they are to fill.

For that reason they hold discussions upon trade matters, consider improvements in their own and the condition of future apprentices, secure lecturers upon matters relating to unionism and their trade, hold parliamentary drills, and in other ways fit themselves for future careers of usefulness in the service of the International Typographical Union.

Believing themselves entitled to recognition as future union men in whatever place they might be, the boys decided that they should have some insignia to show their rank, and accordingly hit upon the convenience of the lapel button. A design was sketched and an order placed for the making of screw-back lapel buttons, which the boys pay for individually. The buttons are in red and blue, a large figure 2 appearing in the field, designating the number of their organization, granting that No. 1 is still alive in Denver. No. 3 was organized by ex-President O'Connor of the Newark Juniors, and comprises the district covered by Paterson and Passaic Typographical Unions. Other apprentice organizations have since formed in different cities, and several requests have been made of the officers of the Newark junior organization by newly formed or forming organizations for copies of the constitution and by-laws and whatever button or insignia they may use. T. CHARLES PRICE. Newark, N. J.

CO-OPERATORS FIRST, THEN CO-OPERATION. Impressed by the earnestness in writing on cooperation shown by A. J. Portenar (page 488, April JOURNAL), I have carried out his suggestion to read his article in THE JOURNAL, April, 1909, page 420, and also to read Charles H. Whittemore's description of the Albany trade unionists' co-operative project (March, 1911, JOURNAL, page 311).

Our friend Whittemore concludes: "What do you think of it?" Which provokes the query, "What would be thought of the Albany plan in Leeds?" In the latter big town, with its sixty co-operative stores, the British co-operative system has reached a development nowhere surpassed.

Next in order arises, "Did the originators of the Albany enterprise study the British system?" And if they did, yet another query, "Why did they

reject it?" Why could they not accept it when the history of all co-operation for the last century may be summarized in this one sentence? Every system tried except that based on the British principles has failed. True, the Belgian system adds politics, as do some other continental societies, but the underlying commercial principles are the same as the British.

At what stage has America arrived in relation to co-operation, which, judged by results in Europe, is one of the most revolutionary working class institutions ever developed on earth? Prior to 1850, England and Scotland saw hundreds, indeed, in all, thousands, of starts at what their supporters regarded as co-operation. All were false starts until the present British system was evolved. In that period of experimentation many imperfect plans were brought forward which have their counterparts in the United States today. Indefatigable ingenuity was applied to schemes by which the secret of true co-operation was barely missed; the word co-operation was employed to cover numerous ventures in which the fact was absent; the benevolent projects of wealthy philanthropists and the political panaceas of hurry-up reformers were interwoven with co-operative undertakings. Of all that preliminary effort in Britain, nothing tangible remains. That state of growing pains and of try ing hardening muscles-that guesswork, that fumbling in the dark, that moving fast before seeing ahead, that criticism of commercial inefficiency and that certainty of getting rid of the middleman at one shot-it is in just about that state that the American working class is exhibiting itself now, or rather that small percentage of it which takes a thought of co-operation and then a plunge at it, but not into it.

I wonder if there are many of the readers of THE JOURNAL who would wish to join a free correspondence class for the study of the British system of co-operation. I beg to assure all who read these lines that much hard-earned wage money could have been saved in this country in the last twenty-five to thirty years had our hundreds of co-operative societies which have failed made their point of departure from ignorance of the subject sagaciously. They jumped clear over to keeping shop; they should have first settled upon what kind of a shop they were to keep, what are the bases of co-operation, and, above all, what the true cooperator should be, in education, practice, and principle. J. W. SULLIVAN.

Washington, D. C.

CENSURE is the tax a man pays to the public for being eminent.-Swift.

HE who heedeth not the last shoe nail will lose his horse.-German.

THE two noblest things, which are sweetness and light.-Swift.

THOSE that are quick to decide are unsafe.Greek.

O

WOMAN'S INTERNATIONAL AUXILIARY.

President Mrs. Charles Hertenstein, 4901a Page
boulevard, St. Louis, Mo.
Secretary-Mrs. Frank W. Long, 4926 Ash street,
Norwood, Cincinnati, Ohio.

THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER.

During the past month a new auxiliary. has been added to our list-Tampa (Fla.) Auxiliary No. 31, with a charter list of nine. Mrs. Le Roy Saul, corner Morgan and Oak streets, Tampa, Fla., is president, and I suggest that all auxiliaries send greetings to our latest addition to the fold.

One day during the sessions of the convention is devoted to each delegate stating to the convention how the auxiliary she represents does its work, and such information as will be interesting to those in attendance on the convention. Much good has come from this "comparing of notes," and in order not to miss hearing from all auxiliaries, I would suggest that all auxiliaries that are not represented this year at the convention have their secretaries write us a letter on this subject. Let us know how you are getting on, where you find your greatest successes and what are your difficulties. We would like to hear from all.

The unionizing of the De Vinne Press, following in the wake of the settlement with Butterick's, is indeed good news. Can't we all make one great effort now, while the iron is hot, to let every one know that the Curtis Publishing Company is unfair, so that they, too, may get into the band wagon? Let us try. MRS. CHARLES HERTENSTEIN.

ST. LOUIS, MO.

The euchre and dance given by No. 29 on the evening of May 2 was thoroughly enjoyed by the large crowd present, and after the prizes had been distributed to the winners in the euchre games, dancing and visiting were in order. Charles Hertenstein, president of No. 8, and John Hill ren dered valuable assistance in making the affair successful.

The next event in a social way will be a basket picnic at one of the summer gardens, the date for which has not at this time been decided upon.

Mrs. M. McKenzie and Mrs. M. Wightman were received into membership at the last meeting, giving us a total membership of eighty-one. Mrs. L. H. Quinn, who has been very ill, was reported as being much improved.

Mrs. R. H. Knight was elected delegate and Mrs. T. R. Drake alternate to represent No. 29 at the San Francisco convention. That the elec

tion was spirited is shown by the fact that sixtyfive votes were cast out of a total membership of eighty-one, and each of the three candidates entered into the friendly contest with great fervor. Mrs. Knight was a visitor at Minneapolis last year.

Congratulations to the new auxiliary at Tampa, Fla., and to its officers and members. We believe it will be for the benefit of all when the time comes that will see an auxiliary in every town where a union exists, but in the meantime are content to rejoice for every member who is secured and every auxiliary that is organized.

MRS. R. J. LOWTHER.

CHICAGO, ILL.

The regular meeting of No. 8 was held on the evening of May 17 at Handel Hall. It was an open meeting, in conjunction with a complimentary social, to the guests. The chief business transacted at this meeting was the installation of the new officers for the year, Mrs. J. C. Witherspoon having been re-elected president; Mrs. Frost, vice-president; Mrs. Jessie S. Burlingame, secretary; Mrs. Mary I. Allison treasurer, and Mrs. Cruikshank, re-elected guide; executive committee, Miss Ella McEvoy, Mrs. M. D. Gritzmacher and Mrs. W. H. Patterson.

At the meeting the previous week for election of International and local officers, Mrs. Witherspoon was elected delegate and Miss Ella McEvoy alternate to the San Francisco convention.

After the installation of officers the evening was given over to entertaining, music, social converse, etc., Miss O'Connor and Master Frank Swift each giving a couple of selections on the piano, after which a grabbag furnished fun for the young people, followed by refreshments, consisting of delectable cakes and ice cream, provided by the members.

All the ladies are enthusiastic in their work for the auxiliary, noticeable among whom are Mrs. Ben Swift and Mrs. W. J. Costello, who are bringing in applications for membership. A daughter of Mrs. Rob O'Connor, one of our members, will be initiated at the next meeting, and one application was received at the last meeting. This being purely a social meeting, plans for a pleasant summer were talked of, many outings being anticipated instead of the bi-weekly house socials which were so thoroughly enjoyed by the ladies last winter.

In this beautiful city of beautiful parks and delightful lake breezes it is our intention to combine pleasure with business and to keep cool this