ing. The author is the well-known editor of "Stall's Lutheran Year-Book," which represents all branches of the Lutheran Church in the United States and Europe. He was graduated from Pennsylvania College, Gettysburg, in 1872; studied theology at Union Theological Seminary and at Gettysburg; has had three pastorates, of which the last is at Lancaster, Pennsylvania; and he is now statistical secretary of the General Synod of the Lutheran Church. There is a certain German thoroughness in the plan of this book, and this trait combines admirably with its distinctively American spirit. The volume discusses How to make a Working Church, How to reach the Young, Classes for Bible Study, Temperance Meetings, Pastors' Aids, Workingmen's Clubs, Work among the Sick, and allied topics. The timeliness and good sense of this book make it an important contribution to the literature of current reform.

THE INDIAN SIDE OF THE INDIAN QUESTION. BY WILLIAM BARROWS, D. D. Boston: D. Lothrop & Co. 1887. Pp. 206.

Since Mrs. Jackson's volume entitled "A Century of Dishonor," there has appeared no better presentation of the Indian question than this calm and shrewd book by Dr. Barrows. His extensive travel on our frontiers, and his elaborate study of the Far West in preparation for the writing of his admirable volume on "Oregon," which the present reviewer has read with keen delight under the very shadow of Mt. Hood, have fitted Dr. Barrows to discuss with the authority of an expert the Indian side of the Indian question. He supports the Dawes law, but is anxious to push on the work of the people at large in protecting the Red Savages against the White Savages of the frontier.

In the last analysis of the Indian in Congress and on the border, he is discovered to be simply a man, and more or less like all Americans; and the recent and so far final proposition is to treat him as an American.

Perhaps the Dawes bill goes as far as the government can go on its side of the work. What remains to make the new era a successful one, the people must do. In the regions more intimately affected by the Indian question, there is need of introducing a civil, social, and moral constabulary -a picket line of principles and of sentiments which will constrain a superior neighbor to be a good one to an inferior neighbor. — INTRODUCTION, pp. 3, 7.

QUESTIONS TO SPECIALISTS.

REPLIES BY MISS WILLARD.

9. Why does the Woman's Christian Temperance Union urge the Prohibition party to stand by the equal suffrage plank placed in its platform in 1872 ? Doubtless the strongest points in favor of woman suífrage are :

First. That it is founded on the unchanging principles of justice. Every reasonable man knows that it is not right to tax a class without representing that class, to inflict penalties upon a class that had no hand in determining what those penalties should be, to govern one half of the human race by the other half. All injustice to one class works harm to every other.

Second. The best government known to the race is found in a home where the father and mother have equal power, as is the case in an enlightened modern Christian family. No other place is so free from temptation, and no other conserves so completely the best interest of all who dwell therein. Reasoning from analogy, the larger home of society, and that largest home of all called "government," might be more like this typical home, and in proportion as they are made like unto it, society and government will more thoroughly conserve the interest of all, and shut out the pests of civilization.

Third. The two most strongly marked instincts of woman are those of protection for herself and little ones, and of love and loyalty to her husband and her son. On the other hand, the two strongest instincts that to-day defend the liquor traffic and drink habit are avarice in the dealer and appetite in the drinker. It has been said that civilization has nothing with which it can offset these two tremendous forces. But may it not be found that in the home, through the reserve power never yet called into government on a large scale, woman's instinct of self-protection and of love are a sufficient offset to appetite and avarice and will out-vote both at the polls? For it must be remembered that in a republic, all questions of morality sooner or later find their way to the ballot box, and are voted up or down.

Fourth. There are fifty-four thousand men in the penitentiaries of the United States against five thousand women. As a class, women hold the balance of power morally in the republic.

Fifth. There is no enemy dreaded so much by liquor dealers and saloon keepers as woman with the ballot in her hand. Secret circulars sent out by them, and intercepted by our temperance leaders, state this explicitly. One of these is addressed to a legislator and reads to this effect: "Set your heel

upon the woman's suffrage movement every time, for the ballot in the hand of woman means the downfall of our trade." When the bill, by which the women of Washington Territory had the ballot and secured local option, was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the Territory, there were bonfires, bell ringings, and beer on tap in the public square of many a town and village, where the saloon keepers celebrated their jubilee because the women had lost their right to vote. Happily, this right has been restored by an overwhelming majority at the hands of the legislature of 1888.

Sixth. Wherever women have had the ballot, they have used it in the interest of home and against the saloons, the gambling houses, and the haunts of infamy. In Kansas, 26,000 women voted in the spring of 1887. The state librarian at Topeka carefully examined the files of the eight hundred newspapers of Kansas, and reports that without exception they bear testimony direct and indirect to the good behavior of the women at the polls, the courteous manner in which they were treated, and the overwhelming influence they exerted in favor of morality. The law in Kansas prohibits a crowd at the ballot box, and requires that around it fifty feet of space shall be kept clear, persons going one by one to drop their ballots in the box.

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, while fully convinced that the ballot is the right of every woman in the nation just as much as it is the right of every man, does not base its line of argument upon this fact, but upon the practical value that woman's vote will have in helping the nation to put away the liquor traffic and its accompanying abominations. We do not ask it for ourselves alone; we are impartial friends of the whole human race in both its fractions, man and woman, and hence we are not more in earnest for this great advance because of the good it brings to the gentler, than because of the blessing that it promises to those of the stronger sex. It is for these practical reasons that we claim that woman's ballot should be one of the planks in the platform of the Prohibition party. We claim that the question is not at all irrelevant, but, in the nature of the case, is part and parcel of the prohibition problem. We have learned as a sequel of fourteen years of hard-earned experience that the nation must have prohibition by law, prohibition by politics, and prohibition by woman's ballot.

We, therefore, most earnestly urge our good brothers in the party of the future to stand, as they have done since it was organized in 1872, firmly and loyally for this plank of woman's ballot as secondary only to that of prohibition by the votes of men. We know they will require our help when it comes to the enforcement of the law. If they fill up their party now with men who refuse to come into it unless the woman's suffrage plank is dropped, they will find themselves, ten years hence, face to face with the problem of enforcement, which will prove even more difficult than the enactment of prohibition, and they will sigh for the army that they might have brought along with them as a reserve force, but which, in their desire to go forward more rapidly, they were so unwise as to leave behind them from motives of expediency. We fervently pray that this may be their watchword: "The right is always expedient."

10. Why is not Prohibition enforced in Portland, Me.?

Not because the law is a failure; not because the public sentiment does not demand its enforcement, but because political sentiment says, "We must bid for the vote of the lowest class; secret liquor dealers control that vote; hence we must wink at the violation of law." Good men who would like to see the law enforced are divided into two camps, Republican and Democrat; their votes neutralize each other and are canceled out, but the saloon vote is owned by the liquor men, and thrown solidly for the candidates from whom they expect most favors, no matter to which party said candidates belong. This state of things can never be different until the good men whose public sentiment, if unified into political sentiment, holds the balance at the ballot box are massed in a political party whose watchword is, "The saloon must go," and whose votes place in power an officer back of the ordinance both able and willing to enforce the law.

REPLIES BY THE REV. N. G. CLARK, D. D., FOREIGN SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN BOARD.

11. What is your opinion of the scheme of the Pundita Ramabai for the education of high caste Hindu widows?

No one who has had the pleasure of listening to the Pundita, or of reading her volume on "The High Caste Hindu Woman," can fail of profound interest in the Pundita herself and in the cause she pleads. But our sympathy with her generous efforts in behalf of her country-women must not blind us as to the wisdom of the scheme proposed. It is to establish an educational institution for the social elevation of high caste Hindu widows. Its immediate object is to prepare them to become teachers of their own class, and so to raise them from the barbarisms and social degradation to which Hinduism, by virtue of its religious precepts and traditions, has subjected them. It proposes to do this without reference to the only agency which is competent to effect this result. All history shows that only through the gospel has woman found her true place in the social scale. While the Pundita Ramabai admits the truth of Christianity and accepts it for herself, and has gradually learned to see that it is a philosophy teaching truths higher than she had ever known in Hindu systems, and "that it gives not only precepts but a perfect example; that it does not give us precepts and an example only, but assures us of the divine grace by which we can follow that example," she has not yet learned that the gospel alone, inspiring the motives of her teachers, and realized in the lives and character of their pupils, can accomplish the work she has at heart. The whole scheme drops down into a purely humanitarian enterprise, which at the best would only mitigate, without removing, the evils she deplores. The Hindu system, as such, is not to be touched; partial relief only is to be secured for a few whom it now crushes to the earth.

The Pundita may yet learn, through disappointed hopes, that the Christian interest of friends here in this country must be relied on to furnish the

funds she needs to begin and carry forward her work, and that the moral and social renovation of woman in India can only be effected by the gospel; not as represented in denominational forms and creeds, but in a life begotten in human souls through faith in Christ, as the Redeemer and the Life of the world.

Already hundreds of high caste Hindu women and girls are seeking instruction in Christian schools, and we have no doubt that in cities like Poona and Bombay high caste Hindu widows would soon come to an institution like that proposed by the Pundita, though it were known to be conducted not as a proselyting agency, but as based on broad, generous Christian principles. The esteem in which the Pundita is justly held, and her devotion to the welfare of her sisters, would soon secure her access to their hearts and be accompanied by the special blessing of God.

12. What is the attitude assumed toward Christianity by the Hindu graduates of English government colleges in India?

It is not favorable. While some individuals accept of Christianity, and a few others are led to appreciate its value so as to favor Christian enterprises, the great majority, while rejecting some of the grosser forms of heathenism, are opposed to the gospel. The religious sentiment has been impaired, if not destroyed, leaving the minds of the students open to all forms of error. Christianity has suffered in the eyes of the people by its exclusion from the higher government institutions, as though it were not worthy of a place in them. While some of the men educated in government institutions renounce all religion in favor of materialism and skepticism as imported from western nations, others would construct an eclectic system, gathering up the moral ideas to be found with more or less fullness in all, but practically excluding any supernatural element, and others are attracted to a cultured deism, ignoring the Christ of God. To the latter class belong the various organizations of the Brahmo Somaj.

That eloquent paragraph of Webster in his speech on the Girard Will case, in which he sets forth the disastrous results of adopting the principle of "no religion till he is eighteen," has tenfold more meaning in India than in a country where the very atmosphere is charged with moral and religious truths. High education without the gospel is now a great hindrance to missionary work in India.

REPLY BY MR. COOK, AT TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON, FEBRUARY 6. 13. What of the position of the Mayor of Boston concerning the Rev. W. F. Davis's imprisonment for preaching on the Common without a permit?

Mayor O'Brien concedes in one of his recent messages that the city ordinance under which the Rev. Mr. Davis, formerly sub-master of the Latin School, and an efficient missionary at the North End and in Michigan, was imprisoned is unnecessary. He says he does not believe the people of Boston need any such ordinance to keep them in order on the Common, nor