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wisdom to repeal the law. This example, so honorable t< the State which exhibited it, is most fit to be followed on this occasion. And there is good reason to hope that a State which has hitherto been so much distinguished for temperate counsels, cautious legislation, and regard to law, will not fail to adopt a course which will accord with her highest and best interests, and in no small degree elevate her reputation."

CHAPTER V.

Mr. Webster again elected to Congress-Debates in Congress respecting Greece-Mr. Webster's Speech on the Occasion-Extract from it-His Opposition to the Tariff-Mr. Webster's Speech on the Laying of Bunker Hill Monument-Chairman of the Judiciary Committee-Reform in the U. S. Supreme Court-Mr. Webster's Speech on the Death of John Adams-He is elected Senator from Massachusetts in the Twentieth Congress.

IN December, 1823, Mr. Webster again took his seat in the House of Representatives at Washington. He had been elected by a very large majority of the citizens of Boston, in consequence of the high fame which he had attained as a statesman, and the confidence which he had secured in their personal esteem. A committee composed of Thomas Perkins, William Sturgis, and other distinguished residents of Boston, called upon him to inform him of his nomination; and to their solicitations that he should run as a candidate, he yielded. His opponent in the canvass was Jesse Putnam. When Congress convened Henry Clay was again chosen Speaker; and many familiar faces. welcomed Mr. Webster to the scene of his former brilliant displays of eloquence and statesmanship.

The first subject of general interest which engaged the attention of the House was the deadly conflict which was at that time raging in Greece between the heroic defenders of Grecian liberty and the fierce and savage myrmidons of the Turkish despot. The whole civilized world felt a deep interest in that memorable struggle. England, France, Germany and Poland had experienced the thrilling effect of a spectacle in which, on the one

hand, the noblest attributes of humanity-its heroism, its fortitude, its love of country, its patriotic pride, and its regard for ancestral glory-had all been aroused into vigorous and sublime activity; while on the other hand, the most terrible and detestable qualities of human nature had been enlisted to crush them,-its cruelty, its ferocity, its selfishness, its avarice, and its love of carnage and blood. A powerful nation possessing the most formidable and effective resources seemed about to crush the liberties, and even to obliterate the very existence, of a small and insignificant state,—a state glorious indeed in the memories and achievements of the past, but totally incapable, without assistance from others, of resisting the colossal power which seemed resolved upon its subjugation and ruin.

It is not singular that such a contest should interest all intelligent and generous minds. The Senate of Calamita had sent appeals for assistance to several of the countries of Europe; and one of a similar character had reached. this country. Intense sympathy for the battling heroes inspired thousands of bosoms; and Mr. Monroe, in his last annual message, adverted to the theme, and expressed the hope that Greece, so long trodden beneath the feet of tyrants, might soon resume her place among the nations, and that no sentiment of selfishness or of fear should prevent the friends of liberty throughout the world from rendering the patriots their assistance. On the 8th of December Mr. Webster introduced a resolution in the House to the effect that "provision ought to be made by law for defraying the expense of an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever the President should deem it expedient to make such an appointment." On the 19th of January, 1824, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and the resolution was taken up for discussion. Then it was that Mr. Webster delivered one of his most

eloquent and memorable orations. He dwelt upon the principle already advocated by Mr. Monroe, and known at that time, and ever since, as one of his peculiar views,—that the policy of this country should in general be a peaceful one, and that it should retain the attitude under all circumstances of non-intervention in the affairs of foreign nations. He argued that the case of Greece and her struggle for liberty formed a necessary exception to this salutary rule. But it would be impossible to convey to the reader an idea of the eloquence and power which marked this celebrated oration by any description; we will therefore make an extract from it, selecting for that purpose its most striking and remarkable portion :

"It was about this time—that is to say, at the commencement of 1821-that the revolution burst out in various parts of Greece and the isles. Circumstances, certainly, were not unfavorable, as one portion of the Turkish army was employed in the war against Ali Pacha, in Albania, and another part in the provinces north of the Danube. The Greeks soon possessed themselves of the open country of the Morea, and drove their enemy into the fortresses. Of these, that of Tripolitza, with the city, fell into the hands of the Greeks in the course of the summer. Having, after these first movements, obtained time to breathe, it became, of course, an early object to establish a government. For this purpose, delegates of the people assembled, under that name which describes the assembly in which we ourselves sit, that name which 'freed the Atlantic,' a Congress. A writer who undertakes to render to the civilized world that service which was once performed by Edmund Burke, I mean the compiler of the English Annual Register, asks by what authority this assembly could call itself a congress. Simply, sir, by the same authority by which the people of the United States have given the same.

name to their own legislature. We, at least, should be naturally inclined to think, not only as far as names, but things, also, are concerned, that the Greeks could hardly have begun their revolution under better auspices; since they have endeavored to render applicable to themselves the general principles of our form of government, as well as its name. This constitution went into operation at the commencement of the next year. In the mean time, the war with Ali Pacha was ended, he having surrendered, and being afterward assassinated, by an instance of treachery and perfidy which, if it had happened elsewhere than under the government of the Turks, would have deserved notice. The negotiation with Russia, too, took a turn unfavorable to the Greeks. The great point upon which Russia insisted, besides the abandonment of the measure of searching vessels bound to the Black Sea, was, that the Porte should withdraw its armies from the neighborhood of the Russian frontiers; and the immediate consequence of this, when effected, was to add so much more to the disposable force ready to be employed against the Greeks. These events seemed to have left the whole force of the Turkish empire, at the commencement of 1822, in a condition to be employed against the Greek rebellion; and, accordingly, very many anticipated the immediate destruction of their cause. The event, however, was ordered otherwise. Where the greatest effort was made, it was met and defeated. Entering the Morea with an army which seemed capable of bearing down all resistance, the Turks were nevertheless defeated and driven back, and pursued beyond the isthmus, within which, as far as it appears, from that time to the present, they have not been able to set their foot.

"It was in April of this year that the destruction of Scio took place. That island, a sort of appanage of the

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