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No. 2 OF VOL. IIL]

BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1812.

Hæc olim meminisse juvabit.-VIRGIL

[WHOLE NO. 54

Printed and published by H. NILES, South-st. next door to the Merchant's Coffee House, at $5 per annum.

Address,

Of the committee of the city of New-York, acting under the authority
of the general committee of correspondienes of the state of New
York, in support of the nomination of the hot. DE WITT CLIN
TON, to the presidency of the United States at the ensuing election.

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.

rights of the mdividual states; and we are confirmed in that opinion by observing that where the members of the house of res Presentatives are, from necessity, permitted to interfere in the election, they are compelled to vote by states. The constitution thus, in every case, maintaining the principle that the chief Bagistrate is to be chosen by the states, in their separate, sovereign capacities. It is perfectly manifest, therefore, that those who compose a con Fellows-Citizens-The most important interests of the United gessional caucus are, except in one event, and that in the last States are interwoven with the acts of their chief magistrate int rmedling in the election of a president. Can their attempt extremity,excluded by the express words of the constitution, from Every citizen has, therefore, a deep concern in the choice of that then in the first instance, to nominate the candidate for that ofilce, high officer, and an undeniable right to lay his reflections on that be consistent with its spirit? Who should nominate? Some among subject, respectfully, but with freedom, before the community, of the states which enjoy the constitutional right to cleet. Surely none which he is a member.-O. that broad basis we might perhaps of those persons, whose interference is cautiously proininted as justfy this address, and trust to the correctness of the principles teeming with danger, and who are therefore made subject to an we maintain, for vindication with our countrymen; but we are in incapacity imposed upon no other citizen: and yet, these prohibit duced to present ourselves by another, and we think a sufficiented and disqualified characters, are to stand forth and designate the The rate of New-York has, by an open nomination of a candi-procent we an independent right, agreeably to the letter atd with anthority so conclusive, that to differ from the date for the presidency, entered its formal protest against the tice of congressional nominations. Convinced as we are of the spirit of the constitution, is stigmatized as nothing short of politi prac cal heresy ! superior worth and qualifications of Mr. Clinton, we are also impelled by the sincerest respect to the federal constitution; by our different candidates, where a choice has failed through a division of The very power possessed by congress of selecting among the desire to preserve the sovereignty of the states, as guaranteed and the electoral votes, although it may be, and we believe has been the marked out by that instrument; by a regard to the rights of the people and to the freedom of election, to maintain her in the stand delicacy and fairness, to be an insuperable bar against thein. The motive and ground-work of congressional nominations, ought in all The general committee of correspondence on the part of the bias of that nomination is certain of influencing the result of that selection. The connection between a nomination originated state, have appointed us a select co:amittee to explain and vindicate the grounds on which the nomination has been made, and to aid in through members of congress, and an eventual choice by them earing it into effect. We have accepted the trust, and shall per-But is it consistent with the spirit of the constitution, or the princi conformably thereto, is obvious and has, we fear been contemplated. far it at least with fidelity. The fear of criticism and censure ples of justice, that those should decide in the last appeal, who sheli not overawe the sense of duty, nor silence the strong convic had made themselves partizans in the first resort, and had commit tota of our judgment. Our interests and obligations, whether as ted themselves by previous engagements? citizens of this state, or of this confederation, have, we know, a

consideration.

she has taken..

reciprocal relation; and we cannot be true to the one, without When making those noonaatio.s, they affect to act in the capa We are aware of the distinctions made by members of congress. dgly discharging the other.

Neverincess, we feel match restraint and embarrassment in thus city only of private citizens. Is it possible that the good sense of appang before the American nation; we are sensible of the de- the community can be deceived by such a shallow artities? If in cacy of the undertaking, and enter upon it with diffidence and good faith they mean to act only as private citizens, let them do Boucitude. While most anxious to avoid blame, and to obtain con-80 in their respective states, to which the right of election, and the ration only through the purity of our motives, and the sound-sequent right of nomination belong. There (if any where) their ness of our opinions, we anticipate harsh animadversions: we shall influence would be correedy exercised. But at the very seat of be held up to the scrupulous as rash, and to the formal as innova- government, on forbidden ground, that almost all the disqualified tars: our appeal to your tribunal will be stigmatized as presump-Persons in the union should assemble, and designate a presidential tacus: our sincere persuasions on subjects of national concern the rights of the states, and an open contempt of the provisions candidate, seems to us something like an indecent infrigement of will be imputed to unworthy motives; will be treated with levity of the constitution. If the members of the house of representa by some, and opposed with bitterness by many. We are, however, convinced that those will be loudest in their lives were to asserable and point out to the president and senate, a invectives, whose interests are engaged, or whose prejudices have|} foreign ambassador or a judge, would it not be considered as mor

been enlisted against the cause we espouse, and in favor of the doc-strous arrogance? How then are we to characterize the act of the trines we conceive it our duty to dispute.-Does the Mussulman sammen, and of the senate, who, notwithstanding their personal who venerates the Koran, and bows before the crescent, abide the disabilities, presume to nominate to the respective states, the officer scrutiny of the understanding, or weigh the force of argument, whom they are required to choose? Suppes the two houses, by a when he reviles the christian infidel that rejects the Mahometan concurrent resolution, recommended a candidate for the chief ma Bith? gistracy, who would hesitate to say it was a violation of the constiviolation, is not the very same act by the very same men in the tution? I then, such an act by them in the forenoon, would be afternoon, at 1st an evasion of the Constitution? Are not the mischiefs to which we have already alluded, and those we are about to suggest, is likely to result from their vote in caucus, as from their vote in congress? Indeed, of two evils, let us choose the least. It they are to interfere let then do it in suca a way, as that their conduct may be fairly cognizable by their constituents. If they must act, let them act at least under their official responsibility.

If we are not mistaken, we have demonstrated that a nomination

Free eitizens of America, be not deceived by such as, wrapping a themselves up in the mantle of iofallibility, disdain to inquire after trath by the sober light of reason, or to learn wisdom in the school of experience: distrust those who shrink from investigation, because it is their interest to maintain prevailing tenets, and to continue existing practices; examine national questions for yourselves: deCle upon them according to the counsel of your own unbiassed judg nents. We have said that the state of New-York has entered its protest against congressional nominations. In doing so, it has acted wisely. The nomination of a candidate for the presidency of the United to the presidency, by members of congress, is repugnant to the Stater by an association of members of congress, convened at the seat constitution, we shall now vindicate that instrument, by shewing that the measure, if it shall grow into usage, will also be dangerous ef government, is hostile to the spirit of the federal constitution, dangerous to the rights of the people, and to the freedom of election. to the rights of the people, and to the purity and trection of elec Whoever examines that constitution with attention, will "If it shall grow into usage:" and has it not already grown that the election of the president is intended to be made, not by to age? Is it not engafting itself upon our coustitution, and the people of the United States, in the sense in which they may be acquiring strength after the manner of all other successful usurpa said to choose the members of the house of representatives; but by tious? Even now, acquiescence in the regular nominction at Wash the states composing the union, in their separate sovereign capacities, The individuals, or the states that dare to exercise the right of ington, is by many considered as the toeenstone of republicanisin. each state voting in the ratio of its population.

perceive

tion.

The unbiased exercise of this invaluable right of state sovereign-independent choice, are denounced as schismatics and factionists; ty has been guarded in that instrument with jealous care. No and if already an innovation so recent, and so flagrant, be called senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or the regular nomination, what will be its influence, should time and profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector." Even repetition give it additional sanction? Let the encroachments of state, in delegating its own sovereign right, is restrained from constituted authorities, upon every free government that has been confiding its power to any person connected with the congress of undermined, furnish the answer. Should the practice become ins veterate we do not hesitate to say, that to promulgate a nomination the general government. Perinit us now to ask, did this pointed exclusion of the individu- will be to decree the election. The congress will appoint the presi als composing congress, or interested in the general government, dent, and the constitutional electors will be mere officers, to register from participating in the election of president, merely coutemplate its ediers.

the avoiding of corrupt influence? Even if that were its only ob Would this change in our system produce beneficial results? ject, no evasion of it should be tolerated; but we believe it further At best it would endanger the independence of the executive, by and more particularly aimed, at maintaining the authority and giving to congress an influence over the moqsages of government VOL. III. B

never contemplated by the constitution, and calculated to diminish | chiefly owing? Why is Virginia influence, a bys-word in the eastern the responsibility of the president, the people's only security for his faithful conduct in office. The chier nugistrate of the union would owe his elevation and continuance in office to a junto of congressmen, and not to the nation. A sovereign right of the states would be absorbed in congressional influence, or sacrificed to executive patronage; and an inestimable control, provided by the Constitution over the meast res of the federal administration, and vested in the states, would be thuis de fented and destroyed. But in troth, the general government would be made to depetid upon itself and upon its skill in generating a caisai through intrigue, and intrigucing through a cabal.

states, while no one talks of South Carolina of Pennsylvania influe once? We are not disposed to facilitate our success, by encouraging those jealousies against Virginia influence. The best interests of the on require that they should be played; but we are convinced they never will cease, while the caus, or pretext for them remains. Virginia herself, as she values the confederation, should abdicate a situation, which she cannot retain without wounding the feelings of her associates, and weakening their attachments for our union. Another evil has resuited from the protracted continuare of power in the same quarter. The agricultural and commercial states are beginning to be arrayed against each other, and to feel as if In the heads of departments, with their clerks and the other per- they were not connected by a common bond of interests. The sons holling oflies of trust or pront under the United States, were errors of this sentiment we disclaim; but the practical nerchants to assemble in their individual capacities, at the capitol at Wash- and farmers are prone, in every country, to regard each other as ington, and nominate a presidential candidate, would you not be rivals; nor will either party ever patiently submit to b. lorg and disgusted and shocked? and yet do you believe that they are passive exclusively governed by the oder, or reguinted by its peculiar spectators of a regular caucus nomination? Mark the danger at views or tents. The population and resources of this stat place least, that on some future occasions, men whose station and stand-it in the first rank, while its local situation makes it one of the fit ing, nay, whose very tread my depend upon the continuance of depositories of power, until the distrust and suspicions alluded to the same administration, will cultivate the opportunities of private shall have subsided, or the evils they complain of shall be remedied. friendship, of official int, reourse, of familiar hospitality, of publie It is a middle state, not deeply tinged with either northern or magnificence; will hias the understanding, engage the hearts, work southern prejudices: It is canently commercial, and most exupon the weakness, and perhaps tamper with the purity of your tensively agricultural: it would be likely to hold the balance even, representatives, collected as they will be in the very focus of ex-and to conciliate the interests and good wishes of all. ecutive intiuence; and having made then fitting instruments, will These considerations would be waghty, even in times of proremain in the back ground, but in fact promulgate the nominatio.. found peace; but the existence of a war furnishes another and of their own peculiar patron and protector, or perpetuate the sue a most powerful argument. New-York is, indeed a middle, but cession, if not in the same family, at least in the same dynasty! she is also emphatically a frontier state. Whatever disasters inay How far the germ of these evils is already observable, we do not be produced by the war, she will share them as a common calamiwish to enquire; but rather proceed to indicate another danger ty, and probably she will also feel them with peculiar severity, as winch would grow out of this change of system, and become daily inflicted on herself. We do not utter this in the spirit of querumore imminent from the increasing importance of this country.lous repining; nature has placed us in the post of danger, and our As yet, we hope, no foreign power has attempted to influence the hearts and principles deter sine us to defend it as the post of elections of our chief magistrate. The thing is impossible, so long honor. But if our borders are to be harrassed, and, peradventure, as the provisions of the constitution are observed in spirit as well our territory invaded; if our opulent and defenceless capital secñas as letter. While the choice of that officer is in truth made by the to invite the foe, does not the welfare of the union at large, restates, no foreign agents can approach them or bias their suffrages; quire that its resources should be directed to the protection of and thus a calamity that has harassed Poland, Venice, Genon, the those exposed places, by a statesman to whom their wants are per Papal Sce, almost every other people having an elective excentive fectly known, and who would guard them with affectionate zeal? is effectually guarded against. But as we rise in the scale of nations, to this argument of general concern, we added somewhat of should we concenter the real electors (or at least those whos personal gratification, should we do wrong? It we said-now that nomination is to be received as the first regular step to an election) our fortitude is to be peculiarly tried; that our population is to be in the one place, and that to the residence of foreign ministers, poured out; that our property may be laid waste; that our indiwhose diplomatic office it often is to conciliate and corrupt, can we ideal happiness is put at risque; we offer you a chic magistratē be so foolish as to suppose, that the opportmity would be neglected whose republican principles you cannot doubt; of whose compe▾ by them of obtaining a hold in our councils, and a control over our tency and talents to discharge the duties of that station, you are government? wl convine d; gratify us in his lection. He enjoys our utmost These are our convictions respecting the unconstitutionality and confidence; he inherits the Flood, the principles and firmness of dangers of our congressional nominations. Were we not restrained that hero, whom ourselves and our fathers long delighted to honor by respect for many of the individuals concerned in them, we-who was the guide and guardian of his native state, when the would expatiate on them as a public offence; and did we not hope same enemy desolated our lands and burnt our towns; who was that general reprobation would henceforward abolish their use, never appailed in its utmost difficulties, and whose valor and wiswe should urge their prohibition by law. Very different indeed dom eminently contributed to the ultimate truimph of America.is the nomination by individual states. Though not enjoined by If we even urged a persunsive like this, is there an American the constitution, it is perfectly consistent with its principles, and heart, susceptible of feeling or gratitude, that would repel our can never produce any inconvenience but the number of candi-claim?

dates; which would at least be accompanied with the advantage There remains to us another subject, which we most reluctantly of affording a greater opportunity for judicious selection. The enter upon, and which we shall endeavor to discuss with candor inconvenience, however, is merely imaginary, and would never and forbearance. We are not chemics to Mr. Madison, and silouk have practical existence. Mutual forbearance, reciprocal inter-regret exceedingly if we were considered as disparaging his repu course, and good understanding, would be established by the com-tation. Much as we est em Mr. Clinton, and desirous as we are mon interests. Circumstances would almost always decide which of is success, we should reject it, if it could only be accomplishstate should nominate. The acknowledged celebrity or worth of ed by villitying his competitor; but the merits of the one do not some prominent character; the propensity to rotation; the impor-require to be set on by censuring the other. Mr. Madison has tance of some members of the conf, deration, and other similar pass d through a life of honor and public services, and has been considerations, would combine to indicate the state from which already exalted to the first office in the union. His friends are dethe chief magistrate, for a term, should be taken. If any one among sirous of his joying it for another teran, and allege sometining them should be perpetually urging pretentions and claiming supe-ke usage in the resection of his predecessors. It is true riorit.. or should seek to retain to itself a monopoly of honors or Washington, the idol of all parties, was so exalted; it is true def power, the spirit of independence, equality, and participation in ferson, the idol of the repablicans, obtained the same distinction the other states, would check its pretensions and teach it modera- but a magistrate may be very meritorious, without deserving the honors conferred upon Washington and Jefferson.

tion.

The state of New-York has now, for the first time, put forward W are not aware of any advantage that can result by establish its claim; and examine, we request you, whether some considera ing the rule, that every president, who is not extremely disapprov tions do not strongly mark the propriety of its giving the next ed of, shall be re-clected. The next stop will be, that some favorite president to the union. Public servant, as a proof of our peculiar esteem, will be continuThe state of Virginia has, for twenty out of the twenty-foured in office for three successive terms; and soon three times will years of our present government, enjoyed that honor; she seems be the ordinary period of a president whom it is not intended to desirous of possessing it for another term, and perhaps for as many disgrace: thus we shall imperceptibly slide into an election for more as the patience of her sister states will perinit. We cheerful-lif., and perhaps towards an hereditary succession. Eight years ly acknowledge the worth and services of the magistrates she has are not an uncommon length of time, as a reward for uncommon produced; nor do we doubt her competency to furnish a brilliant services: but there is no reason why they should become the ordisuccession for many years to come; but may be permitted to sugary tenure of office. Nevertheless, had there been no sufficientgest, that the patriotism and wisdom of the union are not entirelyly count rvailing motives, and had the times been more tranquil, confined within her precincts. If her pretensions be founded on We should not, perhaps, object to the re-election of Mr. Madison, clusive, or even superior talents, they are offensive to her con- if that honor were deemed necessary to fill the measure of his peers, and we think unjust. If other states then, can furish able fame. But, much as we respect the feelings of that gentleman and intelligent chief magistrates, there are reasons of no light mo- we cannot consent to offer them that tribute under existing circumment, why she should for a time, retire from the competition. stances. The present situation of our country excites the deepPerhaps if the original framers of our constitution, had inserted est anxiety, and renders the choice of its first publie officer more a provision for the practical restoration of the presidential office, important and interesting than ever. in the different states, and in some proportion to their population feet a question of administration, the appointments of heads of or importance, they would have given an additional proof of their departments, and the institution of principles of poney for con wisdom and foresight. If they had done so, we should not now have ducing our public atla.rs, of the utmost consequence to the eccasion to allude to jealousies, the existence of which it is vain to union.

This choice involves in ef

deny, however deeply they may be lamented, as gradually under It is a sacred provision of our government, that the president mining the habitual attachment of many for our confederation. We is the responsible oficer under the constitution. The preroge tive will abstain from enquiring into their justice; it is unnecessary; maxim of Pricain entrot be applied to kin, that he can do no since to render them dangerous to our prosperity, it is not essential reg. he is answers to the nation not only for the general that they should be well founded; it is sullene if they exist. They system of nena istration, but also for the prominent pullic acts will in that case equally rankle in the hears, bis the und rstanding, and omissions on his secretaries. Th. cfficers are to net under his and alienate the affection of whoever feels them. To what are they direction, aut cannot be admitted to stand in the same capacity

with the ministers of the king of England, interposed between, lie spirit of the country: objects of revenue were presented, odithe chief magistrate and the people, to hear the burden of public ous to the feelings of the citizen, and which, under sitnilar circumsensige, and verven him from public observation. A severe en stances, formerly occasioned the reprehension of the very person forvent of this ssenal rule, which makes the president respon- who now revives them. It was not found exp dient to adopt this sible to the nation for the nets of his se votaries, las become indis-plan; perhaps it was judged cunning to postpone it till after perable for the restoration of the republic to a healthy condi the presidential election. The credit of the nation is therefore put to the test, by a call for a very lares loan, without a specifica

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The mode of conducting the war in which we are embarked, iston of security, and impaired, by placing at the disposal of the intimately an essentially connected with a satisfactory adjustment dininistration, for instant expenditure, and in order to avoid the of our differences, with the best interests of our country, and with immediate resort to direct taxes, monies appropriated to the sink the honor of the American name. ing fund, for the purpose of buying un deemed debt at a price The probability of its taking place could not but have been anti- under par. This injudicious use of that fund, heretofor held saeipated the resources it would require, should have been mature-cred by all administrations, cannot fail most injuriously to affect ly considered, and the means of providing them directed and ar- the credit of the other loans at market. ringed; the preparations to wage it with effect ought to have The expences incident to our situation must, we know, be in he reasonably made. Tave those things been done? We do not curred, and we think that the administration have insulted the pas wish to enter into a minute detail, that might present a disheart-triotism of the people, by declining to take the necessary steps for ening picture to our country, but we are compelled to ask, where meeting them; but indeed, considering the conduct hitherto pur ay the marks of system and preparation? Our armies have enter sued, we are seriously apprehensive lest an immense public debt ed upon military service; which of them is properly provided for should be accumulated, without the attainment of any equivalent the present, or when and where have arrangements been made advantage. The service of the next year may be expected to call for st curing to it the necessary supplies for the future? We fear for twenty milions, without having made any serious impression it will not be found in the army under general Hull; we are on the enemy, or any advance towards the favorable adjustment of sure it is not in the force collected to defend New York; nor that our disputes.

organizing on our western border. Supplies for the first should The nomination of De Witt Clinton for the presidency, by the have been furnished through the lakes, and collectod before the stat - of New-York, proposes to the Union, as we firmly beli ve, a British had notice of the war: it is now impossible: and that the relief from the evils of an in-fficient administration, and of an inhst is even as yet provided with tents, is entirely owing to the un-adequately conducted war. His patriotic and inflexible principles common and unremitted exertions of the governor of this state.-garantee a firm and unyielding maintenance of th sovereign Indeed the very impossibility of furnishing our armies by the lakes, rights of the United States.-- Nevertheless, is not engaged su itself a striking proof of incomp, they or inattention. We through any effect of foreign diplomacy, as to the controverted think no administration, possessing either foresight or vigor, would claims of the belligerents of Europe upon each other, in the new have pinitted strengthening our naval force upon those extensive and outrageous species of hostility introduced into the present inland waters, so as to ensure to us the naval superiority in thein. war.

The facility of doing this is nearly equal to its importance: and His qualities, as they have been proved by a long trial in publie in ume of was that superiority is of the last importance to the U.lif, assure us of an able and upright conduct of our uational affairs. State, particularly if an attack upon the Canadas be contemplat- From his discernment, we infer an excellent selection of the best ed; besides, the augmentation of our naval force there, is not suo talents in the nation, to All the high stations of government, and jeet to the same objection frequently made against a similar mea-aid the republic with their counsel and services. sure in our Atlantic ports, that it would tend to involve us in the maritime conflicts of Europe.

From his energy we anticipate vigor in war, and a determined character in the relations of peace. We believe him to be, in this It is in vain to say that these are the errors of the heads of respect, formed on the model of his venerated uncle, whose decision departments. The just and salutary rule of our constitution com- of mind, constancy and firmness, were almost unequalled. pels us to place them to the account of our present excentives- His attachment to the commercial interests of the union, is foundThe secretaries of the navy and of war, are bound to execute theed upon an intimate acquaintance with their beneficial results, oniers given them by the president, on all naval and military afa da persuasion of the national advantage accruing from commer» : either he directed the necessary preparations to be made, or cial pursuits. he did not. If he directed them, he is responsible for continuing hapelle men in office: if he did not, the blame attaches perBually on bins 1.

His administration would, we believe, aim at reviving the almost expiring commerer of the country, and extending to it a naval protection proportioned to its value, and to the revenue poured by it into the national cosiers. In fine, we believe, that to maintain the rights of his country, would be his unalterable resolution; to re gain peace would be his study; to retain it would be his desire; and to restore the republic to health and prosperity, his highest ambition.

WILLIAM W. GILBER

Batsherefore this lingering preparation, and final inadequacy of the means employed in the contest our government has under maken. Appropriations were made, in preceding sessions of congress, for the tim, ¡y provision of munitions of war, in the apore Beuson that hostilities would grow out of the infringements of our Beutra, rights Why has the application of them been neglected, ! We therefore earnestly recommend him to the support of the till the conflict was at hand? Do not our raw recruits and vulnera-' other states, and to the sufrages of the electors for the next presi ̧ ble points in the most valuable and important quarters, declare dent of the union. that recourse has been had to hostilities without a digested system either of defensive or offensive operations? Neither advice of the delarauon of war, nor instructions or orders were received by the commandig officer of our squadron at New-Yors, till general pacity afforded sufficient time for the enemy, most exposed to his operations, to avoid attack and elude pursuit. An opulent fleet of merchantmen sailed from Jamaica, exactly in time to have been easily intere pred, if the orders of governant had been prompt and decisive: but they riped capture by some negligent delay at Washington; and we should even wish to know, was commodove Rodgers informed of that fleet by our government, or did he necidentally hear of it at seu?

If this country be competent to carry on the war, and we are sure it is if our executive sufficiently foresaw the approach of hostilities, and informed themselves as to the best means of codieting them with effect, and shortening their duration by a vigorous commencement, we should have expected to see, not ten or twelve hundred men collecting in the vicinity of Albany, but forces) formed, organized and disciplined; an army invading Nova Scotia | to avrest from Egind her best nad station on our stas; another acting against the Canadas, and a third attacking the Floridas at the same tirpe.

MATTHIAS B. TALLMADGE,
JOHN M-KESSON,

PRESERVED FISH,

PIERRE C. VAN WICK,
GURDON S. MUMFOLD,

JACOB DE LA MONTAIGNE,

BENJAMIN DE WITT,

SILVANUS MILLER,

THOMAS A DIS EMMETT,
BENJAMIN FERRIS,

R. RIKER,

ELBERT HERRING,
P. WILSON,
JOHN H. SICKLES,
SAMUEL HARRIS.

New-York, 17th August, 1812.

East Florida.

The following documents were confidentially commu. nicated to Congress on the first of July last. The injunction of secrecy was afterwards taken off.---They have not yet been generally published, and afford much information as to the late events in those countries.

How shall we characterise the uninterrupted permission to car ry on trade with Spain and Portugd? Is it a measure of clectioneerog pulley, or a further proof of the absolute in ficiency that pervaks our councils? It undoubtedly affords to England the amplest mass of supplying her armies with provisions of every sind, of which they would otherwise be destitute; and therefore gives the most efectual aid and comfort to the enemy. It is a trade which cannot be carried on under the American flag for that will nenessarily be excluded by the superiority of the British power in From the Secretary of State to general George Mas the was that wash those coasts It may easily be carried on by Britsh vessels, covered by subjects of Spain and Portugal. It af fovely then to the fee, the means of prolonging the war against us, and promotes the prosperity of British and foreign tonnage, to the

thews and colonel John M Kee, dated DEPARTMENT OF STATE, January 26, 1811. The president of the United States having appoint ruin of our own ships and merchants. Had the parlament of Fuged you jointly and severally commissioners for carlegislated for us on this subject, from its policy, its wisdo n, and its hatred to our shipping and trade, this arrangement might, rying into effect certain provisions of an act of con perhaps, have been expected; proceeding from our own rulers, it gress (a copy of which is enclosed) relative to the

sees almost incomprehensible.

Bat money has been aptly called the sinews of war, and what portion of the Floridas situated to the east of the risystem of procuring it has been furnished by our pres at adininis ver Perdido, you will repair to that quarter with all train? Where is the republican who is not astonished and con founded at the scheme of taxation proposed through the depart possible expedition, concealing from general observaent of the treasury? It almost scened intended to damp the pub- tion the trust committed to you with that discretion

which the delicacy and importance of the undertak-jof the Perd do, forming, at this time, the extent of ing require. governor Folk's jurisdiction. Should you find governor Folk, or the local authori- If you should, under these instructions obtain posty existing there, incimed to surender in an amicable session of Mobile, you will lose no time in informing manner the possession of the remaining portion or governor Claiborne thereof, with a request that he portions of West Florida now held by him in the will without delay, take the necessary steps for the name of the Spanish monarchy, you are to accept, noccupation of the same.

behalf of the United States, the abdication of his, or All ordnance and military stores that may be found of the other existing authority, and the jurisdiction in the territory must be held as the property of the of the country over which it extends. And should Spanish government, to be accounted for hereafter to a stipulation be insisted on for the re-delivery of the the proper authority; and you will not fail to transcountry, sta future period, you may engage for such mit an inventory thereof to this department. re-dezivery to the lawful sovereign. If in the execution of any part of these instrucThe debis clearly due from the Spanish government tions you should need the aid of a military force, the to the people of the territory surrendered may, if in-same will be afforded you upon your application to sisted on, be assumed within reasonable limits and the command ng officer of the troops of the United under specified descriptions to be settled hereafter States on that station, or to the commanding officer as a claim againt Spain in an adjustment of our af- of the nearest port, in virtue of orders which have fairs with her. You may also guarantee in the name been issued from the war department-And in case of the United States, the confirmation of all such you should moreover need navel assistance, you will titles to land as are clearly sanctioned by Spanish receive the same upon your application to the naval laws and Spanish civil functionaries, where no spe- commander in pursuance of orders from the navy cial reasons may require changes, are to be permitted department.

to remain in office, with the assurance of a continua- From the treasury department will be issued the tion of the prevailing laws, with such alterations necessary instructions in relation to imposts and duonly as may be necessarily required in the new situa- ties, and to the slave ships whose arrival is appre tion of the country. hended.

If it should be required, and be found necessary, you may agree to advance as above a reasonable sum for the transportation of the Spanish troops.

The president, relying upon your discretion, authorises you to draw upon the collectors of Orleans and Savannah for such sums as may be necessary to These directions are adapted to one of the contin- defray unavoidable expenses that may be incurred in gencies specified in the act of congress, namely, the the executions, not exceeding in your drafts on New amicable surrender of the possession of the territory Orleans eight thousand dollars, and in your drafts on by the local raling authority-But should the A- Savannah two thousand dollars, without further aurangement, contemplated by the statute, not be thority, of which expenses you will hereafter exhimade, and should there be room to entertain a suspi- bit a detailed account duly supported by satisfactory cion of an existing design in any foreign power to vouchers.

occupy the country in question, you are to keep your- POSTSCRIPT--If governor Folk should unexpectselves on the alert, and on the first undoubted mani-edly require and pertinaciously insist that the stipu festation of the approach of a force for that purpose,lation for the re-delivery of the territory, should also you will exercise with promptness and vigor the pow-include that portion of the country which is situated ers with which you are invested by the president to west of the river Perdido, you are, in yiciding to preoccupy by force the territory, to the entire exclu- such demand, only to use general words that may hy sion of any armament that may be advancing to take implication comprehend that portion of country the posession of it. In this event you will exercise a but, at the same time, you are expressly to provide, sound discretion in applying the powers given with that such stipulation shall not in any way impair or respect to debts, titles to land, civil officers and the affect the right or title of the United States to the continuation of the Spanish laws; taking care to same. commit the government on no point further than may be necessary. And should any Spanish military force remain within the country, after the occupancy by the troops of the United States, you may, in such case, aid in their removal from the same.

The Secretary of State to General Matthews. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 4, 1812. SIR-I have had the honor to receive your letter of The universal toleration which the laws of the the 14th of March, and have now to communicate United States assures to every religious persuasion, to you the sentiments of the President, on the very will not escape you as an argument for quieting the interesting subject to which it relates. minds of uninformed individuals, who may entertain fears on that head.

I am sorry to have to state that the measures which you sppear to have adopted for obtaining posThe conduct you are to pursue in regard to East session of Amelia Island and other parts of East FloFlorida, must be regulated by the dictates of your rida, are not authorised by the law of the United own judgments, on a close view and accurate know-States, or the instructions founded on it, under which ledge of the precise state of things there, and of the you have acted.

Spanish government, always recurring to the pre- You are authorised by the law, a copy of which was sent instruction as the paramount rule of your pro- communicated to you, and by your instructions which ceedings. Should you discover an inclination in the are strictly conformable to it, to take possession of Last governor of East Florida, or in the existing local au-Florida, only in case one of the following contingenthority, amicably to surrender that province into the cies should happen: either that the governor or other possession of the United States, you are to accept it existing local authority should be disposed to place on the same terms that are prescribed by these in-it amicably in the hands of the United States, or that structions in relation to West Florida. And in case an attempt should be made to take possession of it by of the actual appearance of any attempt to take pos- a foreign power. Should the first contingency happen, session by a foreign power, you will pursue the same it would follow that the arrangement being amicable, effective measures for the occupation of the territory would require no force on the part of the United and for the exclusion of the foreign force, as you are States to carry it into effect. It was only in case of an directed to pursue with respect to the country east attempt to take it by a foreign power that force coula

be necessary, in which event only were you authoris-, voke the powers heretofore committed to general
Matthews, and to commit them to you. The presi
ed to avail yourself of it.
In geider of these codingencies was it the policy dent is persuaded that you will not hesitate to under-
of the law, or purpose of the executive, to wiest the take a trust so important to the nation and peculiarly
province forcibly from Spain; but only to occupy it to the state of Georgia. He is the more confident in
with a view to prevent its falling into the hands of this belief, fom the consideration that these new du-
any foreign power, and to bold that pledge under the ties may be discharged without interfering, as he pre-
existing peculiarity of the circumstances of the Spa-sumes, with those of the station which you now
uish monarchy, for a just result in an amicable he-hold.
gociation with Spain.

THE WEEKLY REGISTER-FLORIDA.

9

By the act of the 15th of January, one thousand Had the United States been disposed to proceed eight hundred and eleven, you will observe that it otherwise, that intention would have been manifest-was not contemplated to take possession of East el by a change in the law, and sur, ble measures to Florida, or of any part thereof, unless it should be Curry it into effect. And as it was in their power to surrendered to the United States, amicably, by the take possession whenever they might think that cir-governor or other local authority of the province, or cumstances authorised and required it, it would be against an attempt to take possession of it by a fo the more to be regretted, if possession should be creign power; and you will also see that general Mat fected by any means irregular in themselves, and thews instructions, of which a copy is likewise ens subjecting the government of the United States to closed, correspond fully with the law.

the

By the documents in possession of the government untherited censure. The views of the executive respecting Fast Flori-at appears that neither of these contingencies have d:, are further illustrated by your instructions as to happened, that instead of an amicable surrender by Although the United States have the governor or the local authority, the troops West Florida. thought that they had a good title to the latter pro- United States have been used to dispossess the Spavince, they did not take possession until after the ish authority by force. I forbear to dwell on the Spanish a rhority had been subverte 1 by a revolution-details of this transaction, because it is painful to re ary proceeding, and the contingency of the country cite them. By the letter to general Matthews, which being thrown into foreign hands, had forced it-is enclosed open for your perusal, you will fully com Nor did they then, nor have they prehend the views of the government respecting the since dispossessed the Spanish troops of the post ate transaction, and by the law, the former instruc which they occupied. If they d'd not think propertions to the general and the letter now forwarded, you to take possession by force, of a province, to which will be made acquainted with the course of conduct they thought they were justly entitled, it could not which it is expected of you to pursue in future, in be presumed that they should intend to act different-discharging the duties heretofore enjoined on him. It is the desire of the president that you should , in respect to one to which they had not such a claim.

self into view.

I may add, that although due sensibility has been turn your attention and direct your efforts, in the always felt for the injuries which were received from first instance, to a restoration of that state of things in the province, which existed before the late transacthe Spanish government in the last war, the present situation of Spain has been a motive for a moderate tions. The executive considers it proper to restore back to the Spanish authorities Amelia island, and and pacific policy towards her.

In communicating to you these sentiments of the such other parts, if any, of East Florida, as may have executive on the measures you have lately adopted thus been taken from them. With this view, it will for taking possession of East Florida, I add with be necessary for you to communicate directly with the governor or principal officer of Sp: in in that province, pleasure that the utmost confidence is reposed in your and to act in harmony with him in the attainment of integrity and zeal to promote the welfare of your country. To that zeal the error into which you have it. It is presumed that the arrangement will be easilynd amicably made between you. I enclose you an fallen, is imputed. But in consideration of the part order from the secretary at war to the commander which you have taken, which differs so essentially of the troops of the United States to evacuate the from that contemplated and authorised by the gocountry, when requested so to do by you, and to pay Terament, and contradicts so entirely the principles the same respect to your orders, as he had been inon which it has uniformly and sincerely acted, you structed to do to that of general Matthews. will be sensible of the necessity of discontinuing the In restoring to the Spanish authorities Amelia islservice in which you have been employed. You will, therefore, consider your powers as re-and and such other parts of East Florida as may have The new duties been taken possession of in the name of the Uned roked on the receipt of this letter. States, there is another object to which your particu lar attention will be due. In the measures lately adopted by general Matthews to take possession of that territory, it is probable that much reliance has been placed by the people who acted in it, on the comtenance and support of the United States. will be improper to expose these people, to the resentment of the Spanish authorities. It is not to be presumed that those authorities, in regaining posses

to be performed will be transferred to the governor of Georgia, to whom instructions will be given on all the circumstances to which it may be proper, at the present juncture, to call his attention.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your bedient servant.

General Matthews, &c.

It

The Secretary of State to D. B. Mitchell, the gover-ion of the territory in this amicable mode from the

nor of Georgia.

United States, will be disposed to indulge any such feeling towards them. You will, however, come to a full understanding with the Spanish governor on DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 10, 1812. Sin-The Prident is desirous of availing the pub- this subject, and not fail to obtain from him the most lic of your services, in a concern of much delicacy explicit and satisfactory assurance respecting it.and of high importance to the United States. Cr-of this assurance you will duly apprise the parties cumstances with which you are in some degree interested, and of the confidence which you repoze in acquainted, but which will be fully explained by it. It is hoped that on this delicate and very intethe enclosed papers, have made it necessary to 18-resting point, the Spanish governor will avail hin.self

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