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etudo parliamenti" (a scrap of Latin is ever intro-ence of opinion may exist about the object of your duced to cover a cheat) can render all the laws use-voice. Gentlemen, your kind and considerate behaless? How is the flock the better for being safe vior has made a burthen, far too heavy for my shoulfrom the wolf, if they are devoured by the very dogs ders, sit easier than I could have expected. Not placed to defend them? What avails resisting the only have I been free from importunity, but even lion to fall into the jaws of the jackall? to have pin-from the slightest request from a single individual ioned the eagle's wing to become the sport and prey of your numerous body.

of daws and kites? Despicable condition! cheated, Gentlemen, this conduct fills me with esteem and sold, and arbitrarily ruled by her own servants who respect, and must ever bind me to the electors of exceed Judas in treachery and equal him in guilt! Westminster by indissoluble ties of gratitude and The house of commons, instituted to redress our affection.-But, gentlemen, I do most earnestly wish grievances, is become itself the greatest of all gricv-to spare myself the mortification, and you the disapances, itself the ready instrument of all our oppress-pointment of passing a painful life in undignified, ors; a two-edged sword to destroy, instead of a shield because unsupported, and unavailing efforts to stem to protect us. a torrent of corruption, as irresistible as infamous;

Gentlemen, the people of England are entitled, by of "dipping buckets into empty wells, and growing several positive laws, as well as by that which is su-fold in drawing nothing up."

FRANCIS BURDETT.

perior to all law, reason and common sense, and com- Gentlemen, I remain with the most profound gramon good, to annual parliaments and free elections. titude and devotion, your humble servant, These are the vital principles of the constitution; the only means of insuring justice,peace and security to the community at large.

Gentlemen, we once had this happiness; our laws were made by representatives of our own choosing;

Oxford, October 6, 1812.

Perpetual Motion.

our money was not taken from us but by our own Extract of a letter from Harrisburgh, Jan. 28, 1813. consent, and our laws made by common consent were the measure of the king's rule and the subject's obedience. To use the words of our great dramatic bard,

We

"Look here upon this picture, and on this;
"The counterfeit presentment of two brothers,
"See what a grace was seated on his brow."

“A combination, and a form, indeed,
"Where every God did seem to set his seal.

"This was your constitution. Look now, what follows,
"Here is your constitution."

may well conclude by asking with the poet,

-What devil was't

"That thus has cozen'd we at hoodman blind?”

"The following is a copy of a report read in each house of the legislature this day.

"The committee appointed by the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in general assembly met, in the month of December last," to make a strict examination of the machine invented by Charles Readheffer, and to "make as specific a representation respecting it as its alledged importance and the public expectation require," beg leave to report

"That immediately on receiving the authenticated copy of the above resolution, one of the committee, Robert Patterson, waited on Charles Readheffer, Gentlemen, under the present system no change then in this city, to whom he exhibited the copy of of ministry can be permanently useful to the coun-appointment, requesting him to name a time and try. The present are just as good as any of their place for the committee to make the examination of predecessors during the present reign, or as any that his machine, agreeably to the resolution and desire are likely to succeed them. The fault is not in the of the legislature. But Charles Readheffer declined individuals, but in the system; a system under complying with the above request at that time, prowhich no nation ever did or can prosper; a system mising however, that he would call on Henry Voight of the most infamous and complicated corruption. another member of the committee, before he left To this internal situation of the country, I desire to the city, and appoint the time and place for the exdraw the attention of my countrymen, persuaded amination of his machine. He did, indeed call on that from hence alone proceeds all our internal suf- Henry Voight, according to promise, but still deferings and external weaknesses; by the removal of clined complying with the request. this system, you may have foreign conquest, if that "The committee was then convened at the house of is desirable; by the non-removal of it, even victory Henry Voight, and organized, Henry Voight being and conquest would serve only to enhance, and to chosen chairman, and Robert Patterson secretary. confirm the national servitude, depravity and misc- "Agreeably to a resolution of the committee, their ry. This system must be put a stop to by efforts chairman sent a letter to Charles Readheffer, confrom without the doors of the house of commons, taining a copy of the resolution of the legislature, for, be assured, the gentlemen within will never re-and earnestly soliciting him to appoint a time and form themselves. They will no more part with their place for the examination of his machine by the comrotten boroughs than a highwayman with his pistols. mittce.

The SPIRIT of HAMPDEN must revive in the breasts of "In reply to this, Charles Readheffer sent a letter our country gentlemen, and the people, with united addressed to Henry Voight and the other members voice, must demand reform in a language not to be of the committee, in which he named Thursday, the misunderstood. Until some such spirit shall mani-21st instant, at such hour as the committee should fest itself, I am desirous of withdrawing from acting appoint, when he would submit his machine to their 3 part in the low farce carried on in St. Stephens's; examination, but still declined or neglected to name of resigning into your hands your delegated trust; the place.

of returning to that retirement I had chosen when] "On the receipt of the above, Henry Voight sent a you so unexpectedly placed me in your service; second letter to Charles Readheffer,renewing the forthinking that in so degraded, and degrading a state mer request in the most urgent terms, that he would of the country, "the post of honor is a private stati- expressly name the place as well as the time for the on." At the same time, gentlemen, be well assured examination; and proposing to him that if he could that nothing can efface from my recollection the with convenience bring his machine to the city (as deep impression of your noble and generous conduct. he had in private conversation with Henry Voight On this point all the world agreed, whatever differ- and others frequently intimated that he would) then

the committee would defray all the necessary ex

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring pences, and provide a commodious room for its re- in a bill, authorising and directing the governor to ception and examination: but if he should prefer subscribe to the said sum, and that he may be enabled Chesnut-hill as the place of examination, then the to pay the money, to negociate a loan or loans with noon of the day he had appointed, should be the any of the incorporated banks, in which the com time at which the committee would appoint for that monwealth Iras an interest.

purpose.

Proceedings of Congress.

IN SENATE.

bill vesting in the President of the United States, the power of retaliation in the cases therein specified.

"To this letter Charles Readheffer gave no explicit answer, either verbally or in writing, until yesterday, when being pressed by Henry Voight and Robert Patterson either to appoint a time and place Tuesday, Feb. 2.-Mr. Campbell, of Tennessee, himself for the committee to examine his machine, or agree to a time and place appointed by them, from the committee to whom the subject was referwhich they proposed to be the noon of Saturday the red, reported the following bill, which was read and 30th inst. at Chesnut-hill, he explicitly declared to passed to a second reading. them, his friend Dr. Christian Heydrick being pre-A sent, that he could not submit his machine to the examination of the committee appointed by the legislature for that purpose. Be it declared and enacted, &c. That if any citi "The committee therefore consider themselves as discharged from all further attempt to execute the zen of the United States, in the military service of task assigned them by the honorable legislature of the United States, or of any individual state, or serv this commonwealth, and would finally take the liber-ing on board any public ship of war, or any private ty of declaring, that from the above recited conduct armed vessel commissioned for war, who has been, of Charles Readheffer, as well as from the numerous or shall be taken prisoner by the enemy, has been, vain attempts to construct self-moving machines on or shall be subjected to capital or other punishment, the ostensible principles of his, it is their decided by order of the British government, or of any court, opinion, that Chas. Readheffer's machine of pretend-officer, or agent, acting under its authority, on the el perpetual motion, is a deception, and himself an pretence of his having been born within the British imposter. HENRY VOIGHT, Chairman. Attest-ROBERT PATTERSON, Secry.

Pennsylvania Legislature.

Extract of a letter to the editor of the Weekly Regis

ter, dated, Harrisburg, Jan. 28.

dominions, or on any pretence whatever, not warranted by the laws and usages of war,among civiliz ed nations; it shall be lawful for the president of the United States, and he is hereby empowered and required, in every such case, to cause retaliation, by a like punishment, to be executed on some person taken in arms in the service of G. Britain against the U.S.designating for that purpose, in the first instance, a prisoner who having been born within the U. S. and "DEAR SIR-I feel pcculiar pleasure in communi having been a citizen thereof, shall have been taken cating to you, two or three important decisions which whilst voluntarily bearing arms in the service of have lately taken place in the legislature of Pennsyl-Great Britain against the United States; or if there' vania; and what gives me such pleasure is, that shall be no prisoner of that description, such other those decisions have been in accordance with my own prisoner, being a native of some one of the British wishes, and I believe, with a large majority of the colonies, now the United States, as may not have been a citizen of the United States; and in case citizens of this state.

5 to 1. Yeas 5-Navs 25.

"The first is the bill for building two ships of there shall be no prisoner, or not a sufficient number war (which had previously passed the house of repre-of prisoners of either of the said descriptions, it shall sentatives) was negatived on the 26th inst. in senate, be lawful for the president of the U. States, to callse the retaliation to be executed on any British sub"The second is that a bill has passed both houses ject or subjects, wherever found, and whether taken for the relief of gen. St. Clair, who is said to be in in arms or not, against the United States: Provided, the most deplorable pecuniary circumstances--viz. That in every case, the act or acts to be retaliated, 200 dollars immediately, and 200 dollars annually. and the liability of the person to suffer the retalia"The third decision has only been in the senate-tion, shall appear to the satisfaction of a court mar viz. the adoption of the enclosed resolutions by atial, of which three field officers at least, shall make a part. large majority; and I have no doubt, should the times require such a measure, but that it will also be adopted by the house of representatives.

[The senate have lately had several secret sittings on business of a confidential nature.]

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

Mr. Gemmil's resolutions, adopted by the Senate of Pennsylvania, by a large majority. WHEREAS patriotism and interest unite in urging Thursday, Jan. 28.—The house resolved itself in the several states to co-operate with the government, to a committee of the whole on the bill supplemen in the measures adopted for defending our national tary to the act for arming and equipping the militia rights: Whereas a vigorous, is most likely to be a of the United States. The bill provides for an additional appropriation of $400,000 per annum, and diPhort, successful, and consequently, economical war: Whereas money is the very sinew of war, and an ar-vides the militia into three classes-1. the minor, to ticle the most necessary to prosecute it with energy, consist of those between 18 and 21 years old; 2. the and to terminate it with success: And whereas, the junior, of those between 21 and 31; 3. the senior, of commonwealth of Pennsylvania, possesses resources those between 31 and 45, &c. After some time spent which she is, at all times, ready and desirous to em-therein, the committee rose and reported the bill loy in defending her own, and the rights of the na-without amendment. [If this bill passes into a law it shall be inserted in the REGISTER.] tion: Therefore,

Resolved, That this commonwealth will subscribe to the loan of the general government, for the year 1913, the sum of one million of dollars,

FOREIGN RELATIONS.

Friday, Jan. 29-Mr. Grundy, from the committes of foreign relations, made the following report,

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The committee to whom was referred so much of the pre-, a character so comprehensive, as to have removed, sident's message of the 4th day of November last, as as was presumed, every possible obiection to an acrelates to our foreign affairs, REPORT—— commodation. The proposition before made to exThat in presenting to the house at this time a view clude British seamen from our service was enlarged, of our relations with Great Britain, it is deemed un-so as to comprehend all native British subjects not necessary to recite the causes which produced the already naturalized or entitled to naturalization unwar. The wrongs which the United States had re-der the laws of the United States; this was likewise ceived from that power, for a long series of years, rejected.

had already been laid before the public, and need not Your committee have sought with anxiety some again be enumerated: they were too deeply felt to proof of a disposition in the British government, to have been forgotten, although they may be forgiven accommodate on any fair condition the important by the American people. The United States having difference between the two nations, relative to imengaged in the war for the sole purpose of vindicat-pressment, but they have sought in vain; none is to ing their rights and honor, that motive alone should be found either in the communications of the British animate them to its close. It becomes a free and vir- minister to the American charge des affaires at Lontnous people to give an useful example to the world.don, or in those of the commander of the British It is the duty of a representative government, to naval forces at Halifax, made by order of his governrender a faithful account of its conduct to its con-ment to the department of state. They have seen stituents. A just sensibility to great and unprovoked with regret,that although lord Castlereagh professed wrongs and indignities will justify an appeal to arms; a willingness in his government to receive and disand honorable reparation should restore the biess-cuss amicably any proposition having in view either ings of peace; every step which they take, should to check abuse in the practice of impressment or to be guided by a sacred regard to principle. provide a substitute to it, he not only declined en

To form a correct estimate of the duties which the tering into a negociation for the purpose, but disUnited States have to perform, it is necessary to take countenanced the expectation that any substitute a view of the communications, which have passed could be proposed, which his government would between the executive of the United States and the faccept. It merits notice also, though it ceased to British government since the declaration of war-be a cause of surprise, that in the communication of Such a view, the committee is persuaded, will shew admiral Warren to the department of state, the distinctly the existing ground of controversy between subjest of impressment was not even alluded to. the two nations, and the indispensable obligation on

the United States to maintain it.

Had the executive consented to an armistice on the repeal of the orders in council, without a satisYour committee has seen with much satisfaction, factory provision against impressment, or a clear and that at the moment of the declaration of war, the distinct understanding with the British government attention of the executive was engaged in an effort to that effect, in some mode entitled to confidence, to bring it to a speedy and honorable termination your committee would not have hesitated to disapAs early as the 26th of June last, the charge des af- prove it."

faires of the United States at London was instructed The impressment of our seamen being deservedly to propose to the British government an armistice, to considered a principal cause of the war, the war take immediate effect, on conditions which it is be-lought to be prosecuted until that cause be removed. lieved the impartial world will consider safe,honorable To appeal to arms in defence of a right and to lay and advantageous to Great Britain. They were few in them down without securing it, or a satisfactory number and mited to positive wrongs daily practis- evidence of a good disposition in the opposite party ed. That the orders in council should be repealed,and to secure it, would be considered in no other light, that our flag should protect our seamen, were the only than a relinquishment of it. To attempt to negociindispensable conditions insisted on. Other wrongs, ate afterwards, for the security of such right, in the however great, were postponed for amicable negocia-expectation that any of the arguments, which have tion. As an inducement to the British government to been urged before the declaration of war and been forbear those wrongs, it was proposed to repeal the rejected, would have more weight, after that expenon-importation law,and to prohibit the employment riment had been made in vain, would be an act of of British seamen,in the public and private vessels of foily which would not fail to expose us to the scorn the United States; particular care was taken that and derision of the British nation and of the world. these propositions should be made in a form as con- On a full view therefore of the conduct of the exciliatory, as they were amicable in substance. ecutive in its transactions with the British governYour committee cannot avoid expressing its asto-ment since the declaration of war, the committee nishment at the manner in which they were received. consider it their duty to express their entire approIt was not sufficient to reject the proposed armistice bation of it. They perceive in it a firm resolution -terms of peculiar reproach and insult were adopt-to support the rights and honor of their country, ed to make the rejection offensive. with a sincere and commendable disposition to pro

It happened, that almost on the same day, in which mote peace, on such just and honorable conditions the United States, after having been worn out with as the U. States may with safety accept. accumulated wrongs, had resorted to the last and It remains therefore for the United States to take only remaining honorable alternative in support of their final attitude with Great Britain, and to maintheir rights, the British government had repealed, tain it with consistency, and with unshaken firmness conditionally, its orders in council. That measure and constancy.

was unexpected, because every application for it had The manner in which the friendly advances and failed, although repeated to the very moment it was liberal propositions of the executive have been redecided on. Conditional as the repeal was, it was ceived by the British government has in a great meaadmitted to have removed a great obstacle to ac-sure extinguished the hope of amicable accommodacommodation. tion. It is, however, possible that the British go

The other only remained: the practice of impress-vernment, after instructing admiral Warren to comment. It was proposed to the British government municate to the department of state the repeal of to open an amicable negociation to provide a substi-the orders in council, may have declined the arrange. tute to it, which should be considered an ample equi-ment proposed by Mr. Russell in the expectation valent. The substitute proposed was defined, and off that that ineasure would have been satisfactory to

the United States. Be this as it may, your commit-, the contrary, that it is in direct repugnance to it. tée consider it the duty of this house to explain to Great Britain does not scruple to receive into her its constituents the remaining cause of controversy, service all who enter into it voluntarily. If she conthe precise nature of that cause, and the high obli- fined herself within that limit, the present controgation which it imposes. versy would not exist. Heretofore the subjects of From what has been stated, it appears that howe-even the most despotic powers have been left at ver great the sensibility to other wrongs, the impress-liberty to pursue their own happiness, by honest inment of our seamen was that alone, which prevented dustry wherever their inclination led them. an armistice, and in all probability an accommoda- The British government refuses to its seamen that tion. Had that great interest been arranged, in a privilege. Let not this, then, be a ground of contro satisfactory manner, the president was willing to versy with that nation. Let it be distinctly unrely on the intrinsic justice of other claims, and the derstood, that in case an arrangement should be amicable spirit in which the negociation would have made between the two nations, whereby each should been entered into, for satisfaction in their favor-exclude from its service the citizens and subjects of Great Britain claims a right to impress her own sea- the other, on the principles and conditions above men and to exercise it in American vessels. In the stated, that this house will be prepared, so far as practice British cruizers impress American citizens, depends on it, to give it effect, and for that purpose and from the nature of things, it is impossible that to enact laws, with such regulations and penalties that abuse should not be carried to a great extent. as will be adequate. With this pledge, it is not perA subaltern or any other officer of the British navy ceived on what ground the British government can ought not to be the arbiter in such a case. The persist in its claim. If British seamen are excluded liberty and lives of American citizens ought not to from the service of the United States, as may be depend on the will of such a party. effectually done, the foundation of the claim must The British government has insisted that every cease. When it is known that not one British sea. American citizen should carry with him the evi-man could be found on board American vessels, it dence of his citizenship, and that all those not pos- would be absurd to urge that fact as a motive for sessed of it might be impressed. This criterion, such impressment.

if not otherwise objectionable, would be so, as the In declaring a willingness to give a effect to the document might be lost, destroyed or taken from the proposed arrangements your committee consider it party to whom it was granted, nor might it in all equally the duty of the house to declare,in terms the be entitled to respect, as it might be counterfeited, most decisive, that should the British government transferred, or granted to improper persons. But still decline it, and persevere in the practice of imthis rule is liable to other and much stronger objec-pressment from American vessels, the United States tions. On what principle does the British govern-will never acquiesce in that practice, but will resist ment claim of the United States so great and shame- it unceasingly with all their force. It is not necessa ful a degradation? Ought the free citizens of an in-ry to inquire what the course would have been with dependent power to carry with them on the main respect to impressment, in case the orders in council ocean, and in their own vessels, the evidence of their had been repealed before the declaration of warfreedom? And are all to be considered British sub-or how long the practice of impressment would have jects and liable to impressment who do not bear with been borne, in the hope that the repeal would have them that badge? Is it not more consistent with been followed by a satisfactory arrangement with every idea both of public as well as of private right, respect to impressment.

that the party setting up a claim to any interest, War having been declared, and the case of imwhether it be to persons or property, should prove pressment being necessarily included as one of the his right? What would be the conduct of Great most important causes, it is evident it must be proBritain under similar circumstances? Would she vided for in the pacification. The omission of it in permit the public ship of any other power, disre-a treaty of peace, would not leave it on its former garding the rights of their flag, to enter on board her ground; it would in effect be an absolute relinquish merchant vessels, take from them such part of their ment, an idea at which the feelings of every Ameri crews as the boarding officers thought fit, often her can must revolt. The seamen of the United States own subjects, exposing by means thereof their ves-have a claim on their country for protection, and sels to destruction? Would she suffer such an they must be protected. If a single ship is taken at usurpation to derive any sanction from her patient sea, and the property of an American citizen arrest. forbearance! ed from him unjustly, it rouses the indignation of the With the British claim to impress British seamen, country. How much more deeply then ought we to the United States have no right to interfere, provided be excited, when we behold so many of this gallant it be in British vessels or in any other than those of and highly meritorious class of our fellow citizens the United States. That American citizens should snatched from their families and country and carried be exempted from its operation, is all that they de-into a cruel and afflicting bondage. It is an evil mand. Experience has shewn that this cannot be which ought not, which cannot be longer tolerated. secured otherwise, than by the vessel in which they Without dwelling on the sufferings of the victims, sail, Take from American citizens this barrier, or on that wide scene of distress which it spreads which ought to be held sacred, and there is nothing among their relatives through the country, the prac to protect them against the rapacious grasp of the tice is in itself in the highest degree degrading to British navy, This then is the extent of the demand the United States as a nation. It is incompatible of the United States, a demand so just in itself, so with their sovereignty-it is subversive of the main consistent and inseparable from their rights, as an pillars of their independence. The forbearance of independent nation, that it has been a cause of asto-the United States under it has been mistaken for pu nishment, that it should ever have been called in sillanimity, question The foundation of the British claim is,

The British pretension was maturing fast into a

that British seamen find employment in the service right, Had resistance been longer delayed, it might of the United States; this is represented as an evil have become one. Every administration remonstrat affecting essentially the great interests of the British ed against it, in a tone which bespoke the glowing nation. This complaint would have more weight if indignation of the country. Their remonstrances pro sanctioned by the British example. It is known on duced no effect. It was worthy the illustrious lead

ported by their constituents.

er of our armies, when called by the voice of his vessel owned by citizens of the United States, or country to the head of the government, to pause, ra- sailing under their flag, unless his name shall have ther than to recommend to his fellow citizens a new been entered in a list of the crew approved and cerwar, before they had recovered from the calamities tified by the collector for the district to which the of the late one. It was worthy his immediate suc-vessel belongs. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That from and cessors to follow his example. In peace our free system of government would gain strength, and our after the time as aforesaid, when this act shall take happy union become consolidated. But at the last effect, no seaman or other seafaring man, not being session, the period had arrived when forbearance a citizen of the United States, shall be admitted or could be no longer justified. It was the duty of con-received as a passenger on board of any public vessel gress to take up this subject in connexion with the of the United States, or of any private vessel owned other great wrongs of which they complained, and by citizens of the United States, or sailing under to seek redress in the only mode which became the their flag, without a passport from the proper offirepresentatives of a free people, They have done cers of the country of which such seaman or seafar so by appealing to arms, and that appeal will be sup-ing man may be subject or citizen. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That from and Your committee are aware that an interesting cri- after the time as aforesaid, when this act shall sis has arrived in the United States, but they have take effect, the consuls or commercial agents of any no painful apprehension of its consequences. The nation at peace with the United States, shall be adcourse before them is direct. It is pointed out equal-mitted (under such regulations as may be prescribly by a regard to the honor, the rights and interests ed by the President of the United States) to state of the nation. If we pursue it with firmness and vi- their objections to the proper commander or collectgor, relying on the aid of heaven, our success is in-or as aforesaid, against the employment of any seaevitable. Our resources are abundant; the people man or seafaring man on board of any public or priare brave and virtuous, and their spirit unbroken. vate vessel of the United States, on account of his The gallantry of our infant navy bespeaks our grow-being a native subject or citizen of such nation, and ing greatness on that element, and that of our troops not embraced within the description of persons who when led to action inspires full confidence of what may thus be lawfully employed, according to the may be expected from them when their organiza-provisions of this act; and the said consuls or comtion is complete. Our union is always most strong mercial agents shall also be admitted under the said when menaced by foreign dangers. The people of regulations, to be present at the time when the America are never so much one family as when their proofs of the nativity or citizenship of the persons, against whom such objections may have been made, liberties are invaded.

The report concludes by recommending the pass- shall be investigated by such commander or col. age of the following bill:

lector.

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That if any com. A bill for the regulation of seamen on board the public vessels and in the merchant service of the United mander of a public vessel of the United States, shall employ, or permit to be employed, or shall admit or States. Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the senate and house of re-receive, or permit to be admitted or received on presentatives of the United States of America in con- board his vessel, any person whose employment or gress assembled, That from and after the termina-admission is prohibited by the provisions of this act, tion, by treaty of peace, of the war in which the U. he shall, on conviction thereof, forfeit and pay the States are now engaged with Great Britain, it shall sum of one thousand dollars for each person thus not be lawful to employ as seamen, or otherwise, on unlawfully employed, or admitted on board such board of any public vessel of the United States, or vessel

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That if any perof any vessel owned by citizens of the United States, or sailing under their flag, any person or persons, son shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, be except natural born citizens of the United States, or employed as a seaman or otherwise, or be received citizens of the United States at the time of such as a passenger on board of any vessel owned by citi treaty being made and concluded, or persons who zens of the United States or sailing under their flag, being resident within the United States, at the time the master or commander, and the owner or owners of such treaty, and having previously declared, a- of such vessel, shall each respectively forfeit and greeably to existing laws, their intention to become pay five hundred dollars for each person thus unlaw. citizens of the United States, shall be admitted as fully employed in any one voyage; which sum or such within five years thereafter, in the manner pre-sums shall be recovered, even although such seaman or person might have been admitted and enter. scribed by law. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That from and fed in the certified list of the crew aforesaid, by the after the time as aforesaid, when this act shall take collector for the district to which the vessel may effect, it shall not be lawful to employ as seamen, or belong; and all penalties arising under or incurred otherwise as aforesaid, except as is by this act ex-by virtue of this act, may be sued for, prosecuted cepted, any person or persons not natural born citi-and recovered, with costs of suits by action of debt, zens of the United States, unless such person or in the name of the United States, or by indictment persons shall produce to the commander of the pub-or information in any court, having competent julic vessel, or to the collector of the customs of the risdiction to try the same, and shall accrue and be district to which the private vessel belongs, the cer-one moiety thereof to the use of the informer, and tificate of his or their having been naturalized. The the other moiety thereof to the use of the U.States, President of the United States is hereby authorised, except where the prosecution shall be first instituted from time to time to make such other regulations, on behalf of the United States, in which case the and to give such other directions to the several com- whole shall be to their use and may be examined, mimanders of public armed vessels, and to the several tigated or remitted in like manner and under the like collectors as may be proper and necessary respect-conditions, regulations and restrictions as are preing the requisite proofs of nativity or citizenship to scribed, authorised and directed by the act entitled be exhibited to the commanders or collectors afore-"an act to provide for mitigating or remitting the said. And no person shall be admitted or employed forfeitures, penalties and disabilities, accruing in escaman or otherwise, as aforesaid, on board of any certain cases therein mentioned, passed the 3d day

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