ricans should not be allowed to depart from Algiers, and that he thought it was not the case. How far (which I had reason to apprehend from the Dey's his reply is to be relied on I am not able to say. outrageous and extraordinary conduct might hap- "I requested the minister to give me a certificate of pen, notwithstanding his declaration) the bills the ship Allegany having been sent away by order of which I might draw would not be paid at Gibraltar; the Dey, that in case she should be met by any of the for that I must depend upon the sale of the cargo cruizers now out, they might not molest or stop her. of this vessel to meet the bills as far as it would go; This he declined, saying that their cruizers were all and that I gave him this information, that he might at the east of Algiers, and that if any should molest know the ground on which he stood. He replied or detain the vessel, the Dey would punish the com that he should have full faith in the bills on that mander most severely, &c. This did not satisfy me, condition, and then observed that the sacrifice but I could not prevail upon him to give me the passwhich must be made to obtain the money at the port.

moment, could not be less than 25 per cent. After "When I parted from the minister I was about to some further discussion of the subject, and know-return to my own house to accompany my wife on ing the impossibility of obtaining the money from board the vessel; but he said I must not return there any other quarter, (about which I had made enquiry again, but must go on board, as the vessel was getfor two days past) I agreed to give him the advance,ting under way, and that the drogerman would go which brought the amount to 33,750 dollars; and up to conduct my family down and on board, which in the evening gave him a bill at 30 days sight, on was accordingly done, and the vessel got out of port John Gavino, Esq. consul of the U. States at Gib-about 7 o'clock a. M.

raltar, in favor of Moise Levy Valensen of Gibraltar, The persons embarked on board the Allegany, bevalue received of Jacob Cain Bacri of Algiers, sides the captain and crew (consisting of 17 persons) on account of the United States of America, to are myself, my wife, and my son, who arrived from pay a balance claimed by the Dey of Algiers, for the United States, via Gibraltar, on the 15th inst. annuitics from the U. States, the Dey having refus- Mr. J. S. Smith, of Philadelphia, who has been in ed to receive the naval and military stores sent from Algiers these two years past with some coffee for sale, the United States agreeably to treaty stipulation, which he has thought proper to abandon, and says to pay such balance as might be due.- -I also he shall seek for indemnification from the U. States. stipulated with Mr. Bacri, that he should cause I advised him to sell it, as it was not possible for the the money to be paid into the treasury to-morrow ship to take it on board, as she was entirely filled morning, so as not to give ground for detaining the with the cargo which she brought out, but he did vessel, or raising any new difficulties on that ac-not think proper to comply with my advice. Mr. count, which he promised to do. John Vallet, a naturalized citizen of the U. States, "Igave to John Norderling, Esq. his Swedish ma-whom I have mentioned in my letter of the 26th of jesty's agent general at Algiers, a letter, accepting May, a copy of which I now have the honor to inhis friendly offer to take care of my property left close as well as that of the 30th of April, and a Mr. in Algiers, and also requesting his kindness to be Pinto, also a naturalized citizen of the United States certificate from South Carolina. extended to any American citizens who might arrive in Algiers after my departure, or be unhappily brought in by the cruizers of the regency.

"The following is an extract from my letter to Mr. Norderling:

"On the evening of our leaving Algiers, we spoke a British letter of marque bound to Malta, and as the weather did not admit of sending a letter on board, 1 desired the captain to inform the American consul at that place I had been ordered from Algiers, "As my department from Algiers is compulsive, and as there was no doubt but the Algerine cruizers leave no person directly charged with the affairs would capture any American vessels they might of America in this regency. But should any of our meet, desired that he would give notice to all Amecitizens arrive here, or be unhappily brought in, rican vessels in Malta, and extend the informtion in your kindness to them shall be gratefully acknow-every direction possible.

Edged, and the necessary and reasonable expences "Yesterday we were boarded by his Britannic mafor the support of such as are destitute will be paid jesty's brig Goshawk, which was going with a conby the government of the United States.' voy to Allicant and Majorea, to the commander of "Through the day of Friday and in the evening, which brig I gave letters to our consuls in those my acquaintance of all descriptions called upon me places, a copy of which I have the honor to inclose, and the unfeigned sorrow expressed by all of them and requested the said commander to give the noof every denomination, sufficiently evinced the re-t.ce of my being ordered from Algiers, &c. to any gard they had for us. And the undisguised disap-American vessels he might meet at sea, and make Probation and disgust expressed by all classes at the the same known wherever he might go. I shall forDey's conduct, must I think, end in some disastrous ward my circular to any places to which we may meet vessels going, until I reach Gibraltar, whence "Very early on Saturday morning, the droger-I shall disperse my circulars by every opportunity man came to my house and informed me that Jacob which may offer, to all ports of this sea, as well as Bacri had paid the money to the regency, and soon to the ports in the Atlantic. after the minister of the marine sent for me to go to "I took passports for the ship from the French and the marine, where he informed me it was the Dey's Spanish consuls before I left Algiers. The English orders that myself and all the other Americans consui did not furnish any, although I applied to should embark immediately and depart from Al-him for that purpose. I did not ask them from the giers. He expressed his regret at what had hap- Swede or the Dane, as they have no vessels in this pened, and declared that it was against his strong sea.

event for him.

advice and wishes, hoped that every thing might "I have now sir, given you a faithful and a detailed yet be accommodated, &c. I intimated to him my account of this extraordinary and unexpected transsuspicions and apprehensions that orders had been action. While I feel conscious that no exertion was given to capture American vessels. He assured me want ng on my part, and no means in my power left that if such orders had been given by the Dey to the unattempted to make an accommodation, when the commander of the squadron, he was ignorait of it, difficulties were first brought forward, and during

the whole course of this unexampled proceed-they must submit to the will of the latter power. ing; and that ultimately my decision was made Sweden and Denmark are in arrears for four or on the ground of necessity, to prevent a great-five annuities, and nothing but a knowledge that er evil to my country; I trust that the President and these powers have no commerce in this sea, on our government will approve of my conduct. which they can depredate, prevents their making "The law past on the first of May, 1810, restrict-war upon them. In the mean time, the consuls of ing the consuls in Barbary to the sum of three thou. those nations pay annually a considerable sum in mo. sand dollars annually, to be employed in presents, ney for their forbearance, while the account of annui &c. without the special permission of the president ties is accumulating. All the Sicilians have been first obtained, prevented my making those attempts released, through the interference of the English, in a pecuniary way, for opening a door to accomoda- from Tunis and Tripoli; and at my departure from tion, which I should otherwise have done: but up-Algiers, lord William Bentick was daily at that on a review of the whole of the circumstances at-place, to treat for the Sicilians in slavery there. tending this business, I have now my doubts whe- The Portuguese have redeemed all their subjects in ther any sum which the United States might have slavery at Algiers, and extended their truce with thought proper to bestow, would have answered the regency for one year.

the purpose. I thought it my duty, however, to "I shall proceed in the Allegany to Gibraltar, make some attempts in that way, upon the scale to where I shall dispose of her cargo which has been rewhich I was limitted: but it had not the desired fused by the Dey of Algiers, to meet, as far as effect. it will go, the bill before mentioned, and for the

"The character of the present Dey, Hadge Alli, remainder shall draw upon the honorable the secreBashaw, is that of a severe, obstinate, and cruel tary of state. At the same time, I shall send to Mr. man. He is said to be inflexible in his resolutions, Simpson, our consul at Tangier, the gun barrels inand will bear no contradiction or reasoning. He has tended for the emperor of Morocco, as well as a cokept his soldiers in more subjection during his reign Py of your letter respecting the change of passports, than they have been accustomed to for many reigns with a proportion of the tops and one of the new before, and no one dares approach him, but those passports. The same will be done at Tunis and Triwhose duty calls them into his presence, or who poli, from which places I have heard nothing since are sent for by him. He has not granted an audi- I had last the honor of writing to you. I shall also ence to any consul for nearly a year past, except to from thence dispense information of what happened a new English consul who arrived in April last: and at Algiers, to all ports of this sea, as before mention would not see the old consul before his departure. ed, and shall add to this letter (if an opportunity The tales told of his personal conduct in the palace, should not offer of forwarding it before my arrival) bespeak him a man deprived, at times, of his rea- such occurrences or information as I may meet there. son. His conduct with respect to our affairs is al- "On the 13th instant, the whole naval force of most an evidence of his insanity; and I am very Algiers sailed on a cruize to the eastward, supposed much mistaken if it does not hasten his exit from to be destined against Tunis or to make a descent this world, but while he reigns he is most absolute, on some part of Sardinia, for the purpose of getting and I have very little hope of his refraining from slaves. It consisted of the following vessels: making war upon the United States. There is every 1 Frigate of 50 guns and reason to apprehend, from what has taken place, as 1 ditto 46 do. before detailed, that the cruizers had orders to cap- 2 ditto ture American vessels, before their departure from Algiers on the 14th instant. In which case some vessels will undoubtedly fall into their hands before the notice I have given, or may give, can reach the parts where they may be, and prevent their sailing. It therefore behoves the government to prepare for such an event and determine in what manner they will meet it. Should our differences with Great 6 Gun boats, sloop rigged, carrying one twentyBritain be so accommodated as to admit of sending four pounder, and one eleven inch mortar each. a naval force into this sea, I am sure there is only "The heaviest cannon in their frigates are 18 one course which the government will pursue, and what has now taken place may be a happy and for-pounders, but these do not extend through the nunate event for the United States, by relieving them; the other guns are nine and six pounders. whole battery, having some 12 pounders among them from a disgraceful tribute, and an imperious The corvettes and brigs carry twelve, nine, and six and piratical depredation on their commerce. If our pounders: none of them have carronades. small naval force can operate freely in this sea, Algiers will be humbled to the dust.

500 men. 460

44 do. 450 men each, 900
do.

1 ditto (new) 38
2 Corvettes, 24
1 ditto
2 Brigs

1 Xebeck,

400

do. each

500

22 do.

230

22 do. each,

450

20

200

40

50

1 Schooner, 4

1 Row Galley,

"The large frigate is about six years old, and the best of the squadron. She is about the size of our "Spain would undoubtedly he ready and willing, 36 gun frigates. Three of the others are very old as far as she might be able, to co-operate with any ships, hardly sea-worthy, about the size of our 32 nation against Algiers: for the enormous demands gun frigates. That of 38 guns is a new ship, launch made upon the former by the latter not having been fed at Algiers about two months since, and is about complied with, the Algerines have lately taken 500 tons burthen. The two corvettes of 24 guns are vessels and property from the Spaiards to the Greek prizes, converted into cruizers, about 400 amount of more than one hundred thousand dollars, tons burthen each. The corvette of 22 guns is an and have upwards of fifty of the subjects of that na-old vessel of about 350 tons. The two brigs are tion in slavery. They still permit, or rather compel about 250, and the xcbec 200 tons. Four of the the consul to remain at Algiers, and have not de- frigates, one corvette, and the two brigs are cops clared war against Spain, whose ally seems to view pered.

these depredations with indifference. The French "The Algerines have not another vessel of war may be said to be nearly in a state of open hostility besides those mentioned, excepting three gun boats, with them; and the Algerines know, that in the of the size of those sent out, which are unfit for ser event of a peace between Great Britain and France, vice. All their small open gun boats for the doy AP. VOL. III.

C

fence of the bay are either broken up or entirely un-, By a tiscary given at the last settlement fit for service.

for a balance in favor of the U. States,
14,480 old sequins,

By the amount of stores brought by the
brig Paul Hamilton, as per settlement
July 22nd, 1812,

Balance due to the regency of Algiers on
the 5th September, 1812,

26,06

12,099 $ 351,363

12,837 $367,200

The squadron before mentioned is commanded by their famous captain Rais Hammida, who bears the title of admiral. He is a bold, active, enterprizmg| commander, but entirely unacquainted with any regular mode of fighting; he has not the advantage of being a Turk, or even an Algerine by birth, and his advancement which has been owing entirely to his activity, enterprize and singular good fortune has excited the jealousy and hatred of the other commanders, who are far inferior to him in point of talents; but he is much beloved by the sailors (if such they may be called who go out in their cruiz- "The regency of Algiers counting the time by ers.) He is an Arab of the mountains, of one of the the Mahomedan computation of 354 days to the tribes of Carbiles; he came to Algiers when a boy, year, make 17 1-2 years, which is an addition of to seek a livelihood, as is the custom of those people, half a year, or $ 10,800 to the above balance, which and going out in one of the cruizers, became attach-makes their balance $26,637 to the 5th of Septemed to that mode of life, and has risen to his present ber 1812, for which the Dey demands $27,000, in tank. He is about forty years old. round numbers."

British view of the war.

Review of "American state papers: containing the correspondence between Messrs. Smith, Pinkney, Marquis Wellesley, &c."

"The crews of their cruizers consist principally of the lowest and most miserable order of people in Algiers, known by the n me of Biscaries and Carbiles, from the tribes to which they belong. They are either taken from the streets at the moment FROM THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, FOR NOVEMBER, 1812. When a cruizer is about to sail, or if a previous Cruize has been fortunate they go on board voluntaily in great numbers, hoping to obtain plunder or prize money. As the last cruize of their corsairs So little is to be gained and so much to be lost by was esteemed fortunate by the capture of a number an American war, that though our preposterous poof Greek vessels loaded with wheat, and each man hey has at last brought the disputes between the two shared about $50, the vessels have been crowded with volunteers on the present cruize. Besides these there are a few who may be called good seamen for Algerines; and about ten or twelve Turkish soldiers to every hundred men on board the vessel.

nations to this issue, no class of politicians seems wholly satisfied with the result. Strictly speaking, indeed, we have no real quarrel with America; our contest with that power arising incidentally out of our main quarrel in Europe. America invades us in no substantial interest-she crosses us not in any fa"They know nothing of regular combat at sea, vorite walk of policy-she aims no blows at our pros and if kept from boarding distances, they could not withstand one half their own force on board another perity or independence; and, being excluded from all the common scenes of European ambition, her vessel, which should be tolerably well managed in case afforded, to all appearance, no great scope to the usual mode of sea-fighting. It is on boarding the common jealousies of politicians. After a twenthat they depend entirely to overcome an equal or any force that will contend with them. These aty years' war with France, however, we are now fairly involved in an additional war with this appa tempts they sometimes make with a desperation rently harmless power-having for this purpose sabordering on madness; but if foiled in that they crificed all those ancient connexions of trade which gave the two countries so great an interest in the "After this account of the Algerine cruizers and maintenance of peace. The exports of Great Britheir crews, which is faithful and correct, I am sure tain to America amounted annually to ten millions. that our brave officers and seamen would rejoice to All this vast trade, and the animating scenes of inmeet them with only half theit force, if cir-dustry and business which it produced, the war lays cumstances should make a recurrence to arms ne-waste at one blow. But it is not merely as a case of cessary on our part, and our ships come freely into profit and loss, though in this view it is sufficiently important, that the subject ought to be contemplat"Enclosed is the account of the settlement of the ed. The trade between Britain and America, indecargo of the brig Paul Hamilton, made at the palace Pendent of its profits to individuals, accomplished on the 22nd instant, and although the prices allow-objects which must ever be dear to the friends of Our readers are no doubs ed for the cordage and cables are at a great loss to human improvement.

have no other resource.

this sea.

the United States, yet those given for the plank and aware that America, like all other rising communi turpentine, &c. make the settlement upon the whole ties, having her whole spare capital embarked in as good as usual, and had the cargo of the ship Alle-agriculture, must necessarily depend on other coungany been received at the same rate, it would have tries for a supply of manufactures, in exchange for paid the balance up to September next, which com- which they receive an equivalent in rude produce. pletes the 17th year of our treaty, according to our Such was the nature of the trade carried on with computation of time. The account of annuities be- this country; by means of which America, assisted tween the United States and Algiers, as per treaty, by the wealth and industry of Britain, was left free stands simply thus: to pursue the great work of domestic improvement, while Britain found, in the demands of America, amDr. The U. S to the Dey and Regency of Algiers, ple employment for her overflowing capital and her To 17 annuities, ending September 5th, 1812, at $ 21,600 per year,

$367,200

313,2000

mumerous artizans. The trade thuis diffused industry, plenty, and smilling looks through this once prosperous and happy land; while it gave energy to the wide-spreading agriculture of the new world, and extended cultivation over its lonely wastes.

From a picture so delightful to contemplate, we

THE WEEKLY REGISTER

APPENDIX TO VOL. III.

turn with no pleasing emotions to the policy by which, ty has been deeply felt in the misery which it has
it has been defaced. The correspondence before us produced in France-have we ourselves not partici-
relates to the orders in council, and to other unfriend-pated largely in the general distress? It is of little
ly acts committed against the American trade; and moment what privileges we may be entitled to, ac-
though we have no intention of reviving these hate-cording to the theory of the law of nations; since
ful controversies-though we would willingly for- it is plain, that if we push our abstract notions of
get this everlasting stain on the character and policy maritime right to their extreme consequences,
of our country-yet there is one view of the case no nation will agree in the result-universal war.
suggested by these papers which we cannot avoid and misery will be the consequence—and every state
laying before our readers. It is instructive to look will suffer exactly in proportion to its interest in
back to what has happened, that we may draw les- peace and good order. In such a struggle, it is just
sons, for the future, from the dear-bought experi- as likely that we should be the first to cry for quar-
ter as our enemies; and in point of fact the first
ence of the past.
It was long the anxious business of the American concession has come from this country. We were
minister, as appears from the documents before us, unable any longer to bear the interruption of trade
to procure by persuasion an abandonment of the occasioned by the orders in council-and, therefore,
measures hostile to the American trade. He urged these measures were repealed.

However

his case on views of justice and of general policy- It is clear, therefore that some limits must
he calmly combated the pretexts by which he was either be fixed to the persecution of our enemy's
met-he boldly and pointedly asserted, that the trade, or we must come in for a large share of the
claims of this country must, sooner or later, be miseries resulting from our hostility.
abandoned; and he added, what ought never to be high we may hold our abstract rights, they must
forgotten, that they were unjust-and that time, always, when reduced to practice, admit of some
therefore, could do nothing for them. His repre-temperament, and amicable compromise with the
sentations were met by declarations of "what his ma-rights of others. During the whole of the last war;
jesty owed to the honor, dignity and essential rights accordingly, such a compromise existed; and the
of his crown," and by all the other sounding common dreadful crisis which has befallen the present times
places usual on such occasions. These sentiments was thus happily avoided. The policy then pursu-
were afterwards explained at greater length, and ed, though not perhaps, strictly consonant to theory,
promulgated to the world in the deliberate record of was safe in prace Its effect was to permit, un-
a state paper. But in spite of the honor of majesty der certain restrictions, neutral states to carry on
thus pledged to these obnoxious measures, they were the colonial and coasting trade of the enemy. But
repealed. A laborious investigation into their merits it laid the intercourse under some disadvantages.
ended in their unqualified reprobation and abandon-It threw considerable inconvenience in the way of
ment-their authors were unable to look in the face the French merchant, and increased to him the price
the scenes of beggary, disorder and wretchedness, of all his imported produce. And to this extent,
which their policy had brought on the country; they and no farther, is it possible to carry the damage of
In this privilege of laying the enemy's
were borne down by the cries of suffering millions-a naval war.
and they yielded at length to necessity what they trade under some little increase of charge, consists
had formerly refused to justice. This was clearly, the full value of what has been so vehemently ad-
therefore, an act of unwilling submission. It bore mired in this country under the specious appella-
not the stamp of conciliation; and the only inference, tion of maritime rights. Naval warfare cannot be
to be drawn from it was, that the plotters of mischief, pursued to the utter extinction of trade.
being fairly caught in their own snare, were glad prevent mankind from a mutual exchange of their
to escape, on any terms, from the effects of their ill- surplus produce-as this would be equivalent to
considered measures. How forcibly does this trans- an interdict on the productive powers of nature;
action teach the necessity of a prudent and moderate and whenever it is pushed to such an excess, it must
We would humbly re-
conduct! How strikingly does it mark the contrast reduce all who are engaged in it to one common
between insolence, which delights in abusing power, level of distress and ruin.
and true dignity, which, being founded on a reve- commend, therefore, a return to those established
maxims of maritime law, under which the industry
rence for justice, can never be humbled!

It cannot

The repeal of the orders in council has consider- of unoffending states reposed in security, while ably narrowed the controversy between the two this country presented a picture of comparative countries; and were it not for the rankling of past comfort and peace. The laborer was then peaceable injuries, the few remaining points of difference and happy-he was enabled to provide, by his inmight, we should imagine, be very speedily adjusted, dustry for himself and his helpless offspring-he The Americans still complain of the undue exten- was not driven by want to acts of riot and desperasion we have given to the privileges of blockadetion, These are the evils which it is so desirable to and of the impressment of their seamen under the prevent; and it cannot be denied, that they lie deep in the policy of the country. character of British deserters. The impressment of American seamen into the On both those points the rulers of the two countries are agreed, as far as the principle is concerned. British service, which has naturally arisen from the America insists that no place shall be held blockad-resemblance of the two nations in language and ed, unless it is so surrounded as to make it dange-manners, has given rise, we fear, to much deep rootrous to enter, and we do not object to this definition ed animosity. On this subject, however, both par of blockade. On the other question still at issue, it ties profess a complete union of principle; but the may be shortly observed, that, as we have gone to difficulty consists in finding some practicable arwar with America in defence of the supposed privi-rangement for preserving to each its respective leges of naval war, we would do well to ascertain to rights. Hitherto British ships of war have been in what extent those privileges can be safely pushed. the practice of searching American merchantmerg Will the warmest advocates of maritime supremacy and taking out, in a summary manner, such of the now assert that we have not suffered equally with crew as they judged to be British. Certificates of our enemies in the contest of mischief which has American citizenship, or other evidences might be been stirred up between us in Europe? Admit that offered-on which it rested with the British officer we have ruined our enemies trade-that our hostili- to decide; so that every American seaman might

be said to hold his liberty, and ultimately, his life, abundance for our own service. The maritime trade at the discretion of a foreign commander. In ma- of the country is the great fund for recruiting our ny cases, accordingly, native born Americans were navy, and there is surely no great reason for jea. dragged on board British ships of war-they were lousy or apprehension, because the supply overflows dispersed in the remotest quarters of the globe-into the service of other countries. Every view of and not only exposed to the perils of service, but the case, ther, seems strongly to prescribe the polishut out, by their situation, from all hope of ever cy of caution and forbearance in the prosecution of being reclaimed. The right which we undoubtedly this claim; and in any negociation to which it may possess of reclaiming runaway seamen, was exer-give rise, it never ought to be forgotten that the cised, in short, without either moderation or jus-trade which this quarrel has already interrupted tice; and though the government was no party in gives bread to thousands of industrious mechanics the first instance to these proceedings, yet there is in this country; while, in America, it clothes the no doubt that these outrages might, with some little desert with cultivation, and extends the boundaries activity, have been prevented. "The natural conse-of rational nature.

quence of injury is resentment; and we are not, We touch but lightly at present on these topics, therefore, to wonder if the Americans came a lit-both because we still entertain a hope that matters tle heated to the discussion of these long contested may be accommodated in such a way as to render it claims. But we have great faith in the efficacy of unnecessary to go more deeply into the subjectconciliation for the termination of strife, whether fo- and because we must return to them in another tone reign or domestic. It is seldom, we imagine, that and another temper, if it shall appear that the means those who seek peace, as Mr. Burke expresses it, in of accommodation have been ignorantly neglected or the spirit of peace, ever finally miss their object.-madly refused. It is impossible to leave the subject, Without yielding the claim of right, therefore,might however, without again calling the attention of our we not, in consideration of what America has suffer-readers to the unexampled and unnatural folly of this ed by its practical assertion, allow her to propose war between men of the same kindred and tonguesome other expedient equally effectual and less of the only two free nations that are now left in the fensive? If it be ultimately found that no such ex-world-and the only two that have a constant, an pedient can be suggested, then we might claim the equal, and an evident interest to keep well with each right of search with a better grace, and were we to other. On our part especially, it is obvious that we guard against its abuse with due ution, it might have absolutely nothing whatever to gain, and al❤ possibly be re-established without any offence to most every thing to lose, in this deplorable conflict. neutral powers. The mere discretion of naval officers Since the revocation of the orders in council, there ought, certainly to be relied on as little as possible; is really no principle at issue between the two coun for, sorely as they are frequently beset for want of ties. The limits of the right of blockade are fixed men, they must clearly have a strong bias against by the law of nations upon grounds that admit of no the rights of American citizens. Some strict provi-serious dispute; and stand declared by our own sion ought, therefore to be made for landing, within living judges in terms with which America professes a given time, those who are detained under so sus-to be completely satisfied. With regard to the im picious a judgment, that their case may be calmly pressment of seamen, again, America does not deny reviewed; and while ample and speedy redress ought that we have a right to reclaim such men as we can to be made to the injured parties, every act of out- prove to be British subjects, and owing allegiance to rage or palpable justice, ought to be visited with our crown; and we do not pretend to have any right exemplary damages. It is not only necessary, we to impress any who are really and truly citizens of should recollect, to possess rights; but those rights America. The whole quarrel is about the proper means must be exercised without offence-or they must be of asserting these rights of the substantial value of resisted. It is the business of this country, there which, we have already said a little as to the practi fore, to seck an amicable discussion of contested cal exercise of which, we take it to be utterly impossi privileges, to listen to objections and, finally, to ble that two nations, like England and America, can modify and compromise, that the contended for ever cordially agree. The truth is, that there are may be made practicable; otherwise it is good for very many such cases; and that neutrals and bellinothing. gerente do but very seldom agree as to the regula After all, however, the value of the object in dis- tions by which the rights of war and of neutrality pute is the thing as to which we candidly confess are to be respectively secured. The matter is al that we have the greatest doubts. The question is, ways practically adjusted by a sort of compromise, what is the actual amount of the damage sustained-under which both parties consent to pass from a part what is the number of seamen who take refuge from of what they maintain to be their legal right, and the naval conscription of Britain in the service of things go on with a little grumbling, till the restoAmerica? Would the number of men likely to be ration of peace takes away all occasion of discusannually lost to the country, under such an arrange- sion.

ment as would satisfy the Americans, and under the We are now at war, however, for the assertion of most rigorous exercise of our rights, differ in such our own way of exercising those rights; and have degree as to have any perceptible influence on our begun accordingly by destroying the very thing for Raval operations? These are questions of great im- the beneficial possession of which we profess to be portance; as it is highly necessary to know how far contending. What we claim, is a right to treat ne the object at issue bears any proportion to the risks trais in a certain way to derive what they consider and losses of the contest; for if it be of little value, as an excessive advantage from their neutrality-and then we are quarrelling for an abstract principle, a to impose what they call an unreasonable restraint mere theory in the law of nations, which is no way on their intercourse with the enemy-and, in pursuit binding on our policy. We had occasion, in a for- of this object, we put an end to the very name of mer number, to remark, while discussing the same neutrality. We convert all neutrals into open enesubject, that as a nation which raises a surplus of mies; and drive them into the cordial alliance of that subsistence for exportation always ensures a supply hostile power with whom we would not allow them for its own consumption, so there is every reason to a very limited communication! Such is the object think, that by training a surplus number of seamen and pretext of the war and such its immediate and for the use of others, we shall have always more'necessary effect.