to the end all the advantages of neutrality and to benefit, after the war, by the exhaustion of Europe.

I had the opportunity of seeing, a few days ago, the second contingent of American troops marching through London on their way to France. The Belgian flag flew from our window and, as we cheered the men, some of them, recognizing the colors, waved their hand towards us. And as I watched their bright smile and remembered the eager interest shown by so many citizens of the States to Belgium's fate, and the deep indignation provoked beyond the Atlantic by the German atrocities and by the more recent deportations, I was inclined to think, for one moment, that I had solved the problem, and that their sympathy for Belgium had brought these soldiers to the rescue. We are so easily inclined to exaggerate the part which one country is playing!

But as I looked at the men again, I was struck by the grim expression on their faces, the almost threatening determination of their light swinging step. And I soon realized that neither their sympathy for England, France or Belgium had brought them here. They had not come merely to fight for other peoples, they had their own personal grievance. They were not there only to help their friends, but also to punish their enemies.

As I turned in to resume my work, I heard a friend of mine who whispered, rubbing his hands: "Good old Bernstorff! Kind old von Paepen! Blessed old Ludendorf!"

And I understood that Germany had been our best champion, and that her plots, her intrigues, and her U boats had done more to convert America than our most eloquent denunciations. There is no neutrality possible in the face of lawlessness and Germanism. Sooner or later we feel that "he who is not with Him is against Him." And there is no compromise, no conciliation which might prevail against such feeling.

8

CHINA AND THE WAR IN EUROPE

THE WAR IN EUROPE

Translation of a part of an address by MR. TSA YUAN-PEI, Chancellor of the Government University of Peking and formerly Minister of Education in the first Republican Cabinet, delivered on March 3rd, 1917, at Peking before the "Wai Chiao Hou Yuan Hui," or a "Society for the Support of Diplomacy."

I

AM a scholar and not a practical politician.

Therefore I can

only give you my views as a man of letters. As I see it, the War in Europe is really one between Right and Might, or in other words, between Morality and Savagery. Our proverbs run to this effect: "Every one should sweep the snow in front of his door and leave alone the frost on the roof of his neighbor," and that "when the neighbors are fighting, close your door." These proverbs have been used by the anti-war party in China as arguments against China's entrance into the War. The War in Europe, however, is not the "frost on the roof of our neighbor," but rather the "snow right in front of our door." It is not a "fight between neighbors," but rather a quarrel within the family—the family of Nations. China therefore cannot remain indifferent. For, if Germany should eventually win the War, it would mean the triumph of Might over Right, and the world would be without moral principles. Should this occur, it would endanger the future of China. It is therefore necessary for China to cast her lot with the Right.

Courtesy of CHINESE MINISTER

INVOCATION

BECAUSE of the decision of a few,—

Because in half a score of haughty minds
The night lay black and terrible, thy winds,
O Europe! are a stench on heaven's blue.
Thy scars abide, and here is nothing new:

Still from the throne goes forth the dark that blinds,

And still the satiated morning finds

The unending thunder and the bloody dew.

Shall night be lord forever, and not light?
Look forth, tormented nations! Let your eyes
Behold this horror that the few have done!
Then turn, strike hands, and in your burning might
Impel the fog of murder from the skies,

And sow the hearts of Europe with the sun!

George Sterling.

Bohemian Club, San Francisco

1915