sending delegates to Washington and working up anti-war enthusiasm in their respective states; the German Publishing Company of Brookline, Oregon, asked the Emergency Peace Federation to "let us run your full page advertisement in our German-American daily for $40. Guarantee over 11,000 circulation every reader friendly and co-operative;"1 there was an important meeting of war veterans on March 29, 1917, where "a prominent pacifist will be allowed twenty minutes for a speech;" the secretary of the Williamsburg, New York, Anti-High Cost of Living Conference, "representing 30 labor and social societies," offered to lend the Emergency Peace Federation aid "in any kind of propaganda and agitation necessary;"2 Jenkin Lloyd Jones wired encouraging words about influencing President Wilson toward peace; Mrs. Lloyd, of Chicago, again wrote one of her frank letters of advice to Lochner, counselling him this time on the ground that he had been severely criticized in Chicago: "Don't make everybody merge under your banner. Let them have a little leeway when it comes to the scratch. This does not apply to the convention or lobby that is to work later on, but get every element you can into the parade and kick 'em all out afterwards. I can promise some Socialists and some trade union women." (March 29, 1917.) Other co-operating forces with the Emergency Peace Federation were as follows: Louis J. Kantor, who wired from Washington to Jesse Kramer, Young Men's Anti-Militarism League, in New York, April 3, 1917: "War crisis acute but hopeful. Rush all telegrams possible to congressmen demanding support Mason bill providing Commission on Peace Terms before instead after war. Protest sending American conscript army to Europe." James W. Donahy, President of the Collegiate Anti-Militarism League, at Columbia College, telegraphed the Emergency Peace Federation, April 4, 1917, for "$1,000, immediately to cover fifty universities with live issues of war.” Arthur K. Pope, of Berkeley, California, wired, March 27, 1917: "Preparing telegram to President to be signed by seventy-five members of faculty. Other telegrams have gone forward. Am arranging symposium in newspaper. . March 30, 1917. 2 March 31, 1917. Miss Lillian Wald, of the American Union against Militarism, and of the Henry Street Settlement, put on "Black 'ell", a strong anti-war play, on April 2, 1917, in the heart of the New York ghetto, which ran even after war was declared.1 The New York Vegetarian Society telegraphed its "Uncompromising stand against war" to Washington; and finally all manner of fish, fowl and good red herring pacifists, singly and in groups, hiding now as in 1915, "under the all inclusive term of Emergency Peace Federation," once more bombarded Congress with anti-war messages." There is on file an answering telegram to Miss Secor from Secretary Redfield, dated March 21, 1917, as follows: Replying to your telegram I believe your organization and doctrine to be directly promotive of attacks on American citizens and property. To accept your policy would, in my judgment, mean more ruthless slaughter. You are among these who are doing more than anyone else to bring about WILLIAM C. REDFIELD, Secretary of Commerce. war. There are a number of other replies less stinging from congressmen and senators, as well as a few sympathetic and noncommittal ones. After April 6th, however, when, in spite of all efforts of these "Emergent" pacifists, war with Germany was nevertheless declared, the answers of congressmen to the peace bombardment, with the conspicuous exception of the fifty who voted for peace, were generally war-like. The Emergency pacifists, however, far from standing behind the President, immediately gathered themselves together to devise other "unofficial peace measures" to circumvent him. Perhaps the new members of the Emergency Peace Federation Executive Board-Joseph D. Cannon, a Socialist leader; Mrs. J. Sargent Cram, H. W. L. Dana, Mrs. Elsie Borg Goldsmith, Robert W. Hale, Professor Harry Overstreet, Tracy Mygatt, Dr. Henry Neumann, and Frances M. Witherspoon - gave fresh impetus to the old-guard pacifists, or perhaps it was the extraordinary zeal and organizing ability of certain comrades in the field, as for instance, 4 1 Fly leaf of Black'ell, with date, etc., of performance. Telegram from A. R. Gold, April 13, 1917. 3 Important Request form and night letter forms. 4 Letter-head, Emergency Peace Federation, dated April 7, 1917. Professor Frederick W. Keasbey, of the University of Texas,' which spurred the Emergency Peace Federation officers on. At all events, on April 6, 1917, the very day that war was declared, Miss Secor, who had secured the names of the fifty congressmen and six senators who just had voted against war, sent each one the following day letter: "On behalf of the Emergency Peace Federation I extend sincere thanks for your patriotic stand in opposing war. May I request that you communicate at once with Representative Kitchin, to whom I have written a letter suggesting co-operation between ourselves and pacifists in Congress." Attached to the copy of the telegram was a newspaper clipping entitled: ANTI-WAR VOTES The members of the House who voted against the resolution were: "Democrats, sixteen- Almon, Alabama; Burnett, Alabama; Church, California; Connelly, Kansas; Decker, Missouri; Dill, Washington; Dominick, South Dakota; Hensley, Missouri; Hilliard, Colorado; Igoe, Missouri; Keating, Colorado; Kitchin, North Carolina; McLemore, Texas; Shackleford, Missouri; Sherwood, Ohio; Van Dyke, Minnesota. 66 Republicans, thirty-two Bacon, Michigan; Britten, "Prohibitionist, one- Randall, California. "Six members were announced as paired Webb, Fields and Meeker, and Lee and Powers, 'Keasbey to Miss Secor, April 6, 1917. - Hill and Speaker Clark did not vote. Representative Capstick of New Jersey and Helgesen of Minnesota were absent owing to illness. Representative Bleakley of Pennsylvania has resigned. With the two vacancies in the House due to death this completes the roster." Approximately at the same time of the day letter, Miss Secor rushed a telegram to Representative Claude Kitchin, as follows: "Will you summon immediately caucus of all senators and representatives who voted for peace to discuss the following plan suggested by Emergency Peace Federation: Let Congress communicate directly with Reichstag asking that German commission be appointed responsible only to Reichstag to confer with commission appointed by Congress, in hope that President's declared purpose may be accomplished without shedding American blood. Ample precedent for appealing directly to people over head of irresponsible government. If you and associates will lead such fight we will publish appeal throughout nation and strengthen your hand in every possible way. Rev. Irwin Tucker, emissary from federation, arrives Washington this afternoon," 1 (April 7, 1917.) A little later, April 7, 1917, Miss Shelly, who was also forehanded, had ready a perfectly fresh and timely bulletin letter thanking all of her dear friends for their previous support of emergent pacifism, and easily asking for further funds — this, of course, in order to bring about peace negotiations on the part of a "Joint High Commission from the German Reichstag in our own Congress." Though the Emergency Peace Federation invoked for the fulfilment of this plan a certain German intermediary named Ritter, the Joint High Commission plan ended finally in smoke because the peace forces, seeing the Espionage bill on the horizon, found it imperative to concentrate all of their strength in its defeat." Accordingly on April 9, 1917, Lochner, Miss Balch and Miss Elizabeth Freeman, representing the "legislative committee" of the Federation in Washington, sent headquarters the following telegram: 1 "First hearing on spy bill, 2:30 today. Have able speakers ready to go down tonight." Typed copy of telegram signed Lella Faye Secor. 'Lochner to Miss Secor, April 9, 1917. On the same date Lochner wrote a long illuminating letter to Miss Secor from which we quote: "The big feature of to-day has been the hearing on the Espionage bill. That bill would have been railroaded through I firmly believe, except for the efforts of our little group here. . . . What is more, the committee will conduct another public hearing on Thursday, beginning at 10 o'clock in the morning. Now the word that we would unanimously urge most solemnly upon you people in New York is this: send a group of the very ablest people down here for Thursday men like Gilbert Roe, Amos Pinchot, etc. . Let the representatives of labor come here to protest against the bill in its present form. "The reason why we feel so strongly about this whole thing is that if that bill passes we fear that we might as well shut up our shop. And another thing! Do not have all the people you send represent the federation but rather a great variety of interests. John Haynes Holmes and Norman Thomas ought to be two good persons to testify.. This spy bill matter so engrossed us today and was so all important that the other matters of the Congress — Reichstag communications, had to take second place. "Another thing, the statement in the papers about the telegram you sent out was as you see given out by 'one of the fifty,'" (evidently referring to the fifty congressmen who voted for peace) "who is afraid lest he be indentified with us. . . Now Miss Freeman and I after feeling out various members of Congress are of the opinion that these men simply will not enter into closer relations with us; and that your suggestion that Kitchin and the others hold a caucus at which our federation can be represented by a delegation, far from eliciting applause is calculated to make them shy of us." It was about this time that two bulletins were sent out from the Central Organization for a Durable Peace at The Hague, addressed to the members of the "International Committee of Research No. VII," the same committee it may be remembered that Mr. Ford endowed when he was abroad. Both bulletins were signed B. De Jong Van Beek en Donk and read as follows: No. 1. "I herewith beg to hand you copy of the answer to the questionnaire of your committee which we received from Professor Charles Gide and Mr. H. J. Lange," and "No 2. "I here |