four days' struggle the loyal military units, as well as the police, were overthrown, and the provisional government consisting mainly of members of the Imperial Duma was established on March 13th.

On March 15th the Emperor, Czar Nicholas II, issued a manifesto by which he abdicated the throne for himself and his son in favor of Grand Duke Michael, who in turn refused to accept the crown without the approval of the Constituent Assembly.

Although the unstable political conditions of Russia were well known to the allied governments, the swiftness and success of the revolution came as a great surprise to the people of other countries at large, and the revolution was generally hailed as the beginning of a new era for the Russian people, and was looked upon as a victory of the democratic principles for which the war was being fought against Germany.

The swift success of the bourgeois revolution of 1917 is attributed in large measure by Lenin to the struggles of 1905 to 1907, and also to a fortuitous co-operation between contending groups and factions. He is quoted as saying:

"The rapid success of the revolution, and, at first glance, its 'radical' success, was produced by the unusual historical conjuncture, in a strikingly 'favorable' manner, of absolutely opposed movements, absolutely different class interests, and absolutely hostile political and social tendencies. The Anglo-French imperialists were behind Milyukov, Guchkov & Co., in their seizure of power in the interests of prolonging an imperialistic war, with the objects of waging the war more savagely and obstinately, accompanied by the slaughter of new millions of Russian workers and peasants, that the class of Guchkov might have Constantinople, the French might have Syria, the English Mesopotamia, etc. That was one element in the situation, which united with another and opposite element, the profound proletarian and popular mass movement, consisting of all the poorest classes of the cities and the provinces, revolutionary in character and demanding bread, peace, and real freedom." (Words attributed to Nicolai Lenin in a book entitled "The Proletarian Revolution in Russia," edited by Louis C. Fraina, p. 22.)

With full liberty of the press and peaceable assembly proclaimed by the provisional government, the pacifist, socialist and anarchist propaganda assumed an extremely aggressive character.

Soldiers both in the rear and at the front were urged by the provisional agitators and German agents to lay down their arms and fraternize with their "German comrades."

At the same time alongside of the provisional government, headed first by Prince Lvoff (whose importance was later dwarfed by Milyukov), the Socialist and anarchist elements of Petrograd's population established a Soviet of Soldiers', Workmen's and Sailors' Deputies, which body was gradually turned into the center of all disloyal activities. Through continuous agitation the power of this body increased rapidly. Its president was at first Tcheidze and its vice-president Kerensky, neither of them Bolsheviki, the former being a leader of the Mensheviki.

In May, 1917, the Soviet forced the resignation of the first cabinet of the provisional government, which was accused of imperialistic aims and of secret diplomacy, as well as of representing not the people but the bourgeoisie.

The program of the provisional government was merely liberal, not revolutionary, and reflected the timid ideas of the Duma. This condition was what Trotzky calls "the farce of dual authority," and better yet, "the epoch of dual impotence, the government not able and the Soviet not daring."

The Soviet denounced all secret treaties concluded by the allied governments in connection with the prosecution of the World War, and insisted upon an immediate conclusion of peace with Germany on the basis of "No indemnities and no annexations."

Kerensky who succeeded Prince Lvoff, the first premier of the provisional government, proved to be a weak and vacillating character. The Constitutional Democratic Party, of which Milyukov was the most prominent representative, was discredited. Nicolai Lenin who, during his exile in Switzerland, had continued his connection with the revolutionaries in Russia, and was one of the leading spirits of the Bolsheviki element of the Social Democratic Party, as well as the leading figure in the International revolutionary Conferences at Zimmerwald and Kienthal, was permitted by the Imperial German government to pass through Germany from Switzerland to Russia. This man and Leon Trotzky, who had proceeded to Russia from New York City in March, 1917, became the recognized leaders of the Soviet elements of Petrograd and Kronstadt. In other words, the Soviet had become the organized expression of International Revolutionary Socialism.

An open struggle for control immediately developed between the Soviets and the provisional government.

Lenin says:

"The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates constitute the form of a government by the workers, and represents the interest of all the poorest of our people, of ninetenths of the population, aiming to secure peace, bread and liberty. The only guarantee of liberty and of a complete abolition of czarism is the arming of the proletariat, the strengthening, broadening, and development of the role and empire of the Soviets of workers and soldiers. Accomplish this, and the liberty of Russia will be invincible, the monarchy incapable of restoration, the republic assured. 'Our revolution is a bourgeois revolution,' say we Marxists, 'therefore, the Socialist workers should open the eyes of the people to the deceptive practices of the bourgeois politician, should teach the people not to believe in words, but to depend wholly on their own strength, and on their own organization, on their own unity, and on their own military equipment."" (Words attributed to Nicolai Lenin in a book entitled "The Proletarian Revolution in Russia," edited by Louis C. Fraina, pp. 24–25.)

The provisional government was thus attacked as bourgeois. Patriotism was decried and Marxian principles of proletariat dictatorship were everywhere heralded as the only hope of the revolution.

The liberal decrees of the provisional government on the other hand had destroyed the discipline of the army, and the disintegration of the once powerful Russian military machine became almost complete.

In July, 1917, the Russian lines of defense in Galicia were broken by the German troops, and the retreat of the Russian units was soon converted into a rout. This was the first tangible result of the weak policy of the provisional government under Kerensky, and of the Bolshevist propaganda.

In the Soviet, the May 14th vote of forty-one to nineteen in favor of joining in a coalition ministry, indicates less than onethird in favor of Bolshevik theories at that time. This Bolshevik section was reduced in a later vote to seven. This was on May 18th. On the previous day, May 17th, was the first meeting of over 1,000 peasants who formed the first All-Russian Congress

of Peasants, the delegates being from all parts of Russia. Hardly any of these held Bolshevik views, a large majority being Socialist Revolutionists.

There is evidence that the Bolsheviki agitators continued to become more and more aggressive. In June they had bitterly condemned the military offensive. A plot of theirs to seize power on June 24th was thwarted, but on July 17, 1917, the first Bolshevist uprising took place in Petrograd. Although after two days of street fighting the Cossacks succeeded in quelling the revolt, nevertheless, owing to the weakness of the provisional government, the leaders of the revolt, namely, Lenin, Trotzky and Apfelbaum, alias Zinoviev, succeeded in making their escape to Finland.

The provisional government was obviously losing its power. The Russian armies themselves were melting away, leaving the front defenseless leaving the vast territory of Russia exposed to German intrigue and aggression. The strong measures necessary to curb disloyal propaganda and to restore military discipline were not attempted by Kerensky.

On various occasions conservative Russian leaders warned the provisional government of the imminent danger. At the national convention held in Moscow on the 27th of August, 1917, General Kornilov, commander-in-chief of all Russian armies, is quoted as having said that an immediate restoration of discipline was absolutely necessary.

In much the same way General Kaledine, the elected representative of the Cossacks of twelve regions, warned the provisional government that "in the bitter struggle for existence which Russia is now waging, it should utilize all the Russian people, all the vital forces of all classes in Russia."

The provisional government, however, remained deaf to all appeals. It feared to be accused of being reactionary. It ap parently believed that the only method to deal with the socialist elements which were undermining its power must be to grant them greater liberties and freedom to carry on their program of national destruction.

Two months later the provisional government was overthrown, an event which was the direct result of the vacillating, timorous and conciliatory policy which it had always maintained toward domestic enemies.

Before its downfall it had issued a call for the election of a

general Constituent Assembly, to meet in December and decide on the form of government for Russia.

The Bolsheviki were among the loudest in clamoring for the election of the Assembly and in blaming the delay in the election.

THE BOLSHEVIST REVOLUTION OF NOVEMBER 7TH

From the time Nicolai Lenin arrived in Petrograd on the night of April 16, 1917, his entire energies were aimed at guiding and directing revolutionary propaganda with the object of making possible the proletarian revolution. He thought he saw in the revolution of March the first stage of the Socialist revolution which deprived the autocracy of power and put the control of government into the hands of the bourgeoisie.

He felt it to be his mission to hasten the second stage of the revolution which was to "give the power to the proletariat and the poorest peasantry."

He speaks of the fact that Russia under the bourgeois government had become the freest of all belligerent nations of the world, and comments upon the absence of violence, and particularly on the trustful and unconscious attitude of the masses towards the government of the capitalists which he characterizes as the worst enemy of peace and Socialism.

In commenting upon this situation he says:

"This peculiarity demands of us the ability to adapt ourselves to certain conditions of partisan work among broad masses of the proletariat, who have only now awakened to political life. No support for the Provisional Government; explanation of the emptiness of its promises, especially concerning the repudiation of annexations. The revelation of the real character of this government, instead of the illusory 'demand' that this government, a government of capitalists, should cease to be imperialistic."

In order to carry on the work of the revolution Lenin says there must be "recognition of the fact that in the majority of Soviets of Workmen's Delegates our party is in the minority, and thus far in a small minority, against the block of all the petty bourgeoisie opportunistic elements, who have come under the influence of the bourgeoisie and who carry this influence into the ranks of the proletariat."

He further says, "As long as we are in the minority we are