ant of the motto adopted by us, during our struggle for independence. Differences amongst ourselves, as to the establishment of our government, and the form to be adopted, were postponed until the termination of our struggle; in other words, until we had a country for which a government could be established.

The various acts of the sovereign assembly, were from this time published weekly, in the ministerial gazette. From the subjects to which they relate, it would appear that the sovereign power was in reality in their hands, and that the triple executive, was thrown in the back ground. The probability is, that from the unpopularity of executive power, the vibration of popular opinion had gone to the other extreme, and that a disposition prevailed to confide every thing to the assembly. To preserve the balance was an extremely difficult task; the habits of the people inclined them to look up to the executive for every thing, as they had done to the viceroy, and this branch was therefore found by degrees to have engrossed all authority. An intermediate body was wanted, capable of fixing the attention of the people, and of curbing the arbitrary will of the executive and, at the same time, of forming a counterpoise to the assembly. From the habits and characters of the people, a much more powerful counterpoise was necessary than in this country; their want of information, and habits of attending to the details of politics, their mixture of military and ecclesiastic influence in the government, rendered their situation essentially different from ours. A single individual can be trained and educated much more easily than a nation. Their inveterate attachment to forms and ceremonies, and etiquette, causes our plain re

publican habits to appear insipid to them; in fact, I do not know a single one of our state constitutions, that would not set very awkwardly upon them.

One of the decrees of the assembly forbade any member of the executive, from taking command of the forces without special permission. Two commissioners were, at the same time, appointed to visit the upper provinces in order to correct abuses. But this sun which rose so fair was soon overcast. The arms of the republic experienced severe reverses in Peru; Belgrano was defeated at Ayuma, while the Spaniards threatened the city of Buenos Ayres from the river La Plata; the consequence of a junction of the Spanish forces in the upper provinces, with those at Monte Video, would have produced the same effect as the junction of Burgoyne and the British at NewYork. The defection of Artigas also manifested itself about this time. The public mind, in consequence of this state of things, was greatly agitated; a more energetic executive was called for; the assembly having engrossed the power of the state, were too much occupied in idle debates. A proposal was brought forward to repose the executive authority in the hands of one person. It was warmly debated, and at length carried; the triumvirate was abolished, and on the 31st of December, Posadas was elected under the title of SUPREME DIRECTOR, and a council of seven appointed to assist him. Belgrano was recalled from Peru, and Rondeau appointed in his stead, while Alvear was invested with the command of the army before Monte Video. The authority of the assembly rapidly declined, as that of the, executive increased. Alvear taking advantage of the popularity he had gained by

his success against Monte Video, sought the command of the army in Peru, and having obtained it, was on his way, when informed that the officers and men had come to the determination not to receive him. On his return to Buenos Ayres, those who had been instrumental in his appointment, in order to manifest still more their regard for him, and their disapprobation of the conduct of the army, succeeded in elevating him to the office of supreme director, Posadas having resigned. This was followed by general disgust throughout the provinces, and all communication between the army of Peru and the capital was interrupted. Cordova and several of the other provinces were on the point of withdrawing from the confederacy. The people had become sensible of their error, and Alvear, finding that his short race of popularity was drawing to a close, conceived the idea of maintaining his authority by the aid of the regular troops.* He withdrew from the city nearly all the regulars, professedly with the intention of marching against Artigas. The people took advantage of his absence, and rose en masse; the civic troops and the citizens capable of bearing arms, during three days abandoned all employments, and staticned themselves on their house tops, in expectation of his marching against them. But the state of things in the city, was no sooner made known to the army, than respect for Alvear instantly fled-colonels Alvares and Valdenegro, openly declared against him, on which he was compelled to take

He put to death a person of the name of Ubeda, an act which excited great sensation at Buenos Ayres; the merits of the affair I do not understand. From being the idol of the populace, in the course of a few months he was called the tyrant!

refuge on board a British ship, whence he made his escape to Rio Janeiro. The authority of the state was again thrown into the hands of the cabildo. The assembly during the administration of Alvear, had sunk into insignificance, and fell to pieces of itself. On the 16th of April, 1815, the cabildo issued a long manifesto, enumerating the evils of the last administration, pointing out the errors and defects of the former system, and speaking of past occurrences with a freedom which would not be tolerated by those in power, and who were unable to bear the severe probe of a free press. No press ever censured more freely the misconduct of the public men than that of Buenos Ayres, but it was usually after they were turned out of office. The cabildo elected Rondeau supreme director, and Alvares to supply his place, pro tem. A JUNTA OF OBSERVATION was chosen to supply the place of the sovereign assembly.

The people by this time, had become wearied and disgusted with these frequent changes, and anxiously looked for something like a settled government; yet the incidents of the revolution thus far, were not unfavorable to liberty. Each political change increased the desire of limiting the executive power, the constant tendency of which, was to become absolute. The checks to this power, were found on experience, unsuited to the present times; the necessity of the occasion, excused its overstepping the limits of delegated authority, and in a short time, every check and barrier was borne down. But it will be seen by the succint narrative that I have given, that there existed among the people, a redeeming energy; the bonds were burst as easily as the new ropes were broken by

Sampson. Safeguards, laws, and declarations of rights were resorted to. Their executive was deprived of all power, and their safety confided to popular assemblies, which became mobs. Yet it cannot but have happened, that much political knowledge was gradually spreading among the people. The written statutes and charters of liberty, were appealed to by the lowest among them, which may be regarded as the first dawn of well secured liberty; for who under a despotism could think of invoking the majesty of the laws for protection, against the majesty of power? The junta of observation, published the estatuto provisional, which is the origin of the one appended to Mr. Rodney's report; and which recognises every essential social and political right; with this exception, that the authorities are permitted to dispense with the article providing for individual security, when the salus populi shall require it. Even this is only a proof of great caution in guarding against encroachments on their liberties, but at the same time of inexperience. It proceeds from a conviction that in times of revolution, extraordinary cases must arise, where a strict observance of the law might be ruinous to the state; such have occurred in our own country, when our situation was much less critical. The people of Buenos Ayres were conscious of this, but were not aware that such cases make themselves, and ought to be left entirely to the responsibility of the magistrate. Mr. Adams's defence of the American constitution, which at this time was very much read and studied, gave them ideas of checks and balances in government, of the representative system, of mixed governments, and of providing for the alteration of