employment to thousands of Englishmen, and a valuable market was soon opened for British manufactures. Here, with little or no expense to England, a vast treasure of wealth was displayed to her enterprise and industry. The colonies increased rapidly in consequence of their partaking of the freedom which was in some measure peculiar to Great Britain; it was not long, however, before these advantages on the part of Britain were abused; the colonists were disgusted with the disposition manifested by her, to consult only her own momentary interests, and they were continually insulted by the insolence of the court favorites sent over to enrich themselves at their expense; and this, in countries where there were no distinction of ranks in society; where the pretensions of birth were but little known; where there was no gentry entitled by hereditary right to reverence and worship. We constituted the true elements of republicanism. Fortunately for us, Great Britain had delayed the exercise of arbitrary power until bur ancestors had begun to feel their strength. Two millions of freemen after a long and arduous struggle against one of the most powerful states of the old world, were at last acknowledged an independent nation. Our population, our wealth, our strength, have increased with a rapidity unexampled. We have become ten times more important even to the nation which endeavored to chain us down, in spite of all the arts which her folly has practised to excite our enmity; to the whole world we are becoming each day more useful, and even necessary.

If our independence were an event of such magnitude, so universally interesting, what must be that of the whole continent-the whole of the new world! In us the birth of a nation was hailed, by the rest of mankind, with joy-we are now about to behold the birth of empires. Eighteen millions of souls are now struggling to be free; forming no compact and continued settlement, but separated into four or five vast compartments, and thinly distributed over large districts-unable to co-operate in arms from their great distance from each other, and the intervening desarts and mountains, yet uniting in heart to shake off the European yoke. We behold the inhabitants of regions, which for centuries have furnished the wealth to stimulate the industry not only of Europe and America, but even of Asia, about to take their mighty destinies into their own hands; about to give a full development to

their resources; to establish governments, and most probably on the best and wisest models, to form a chain of confederacies, united by a thousand communities, not of family, but of wise and useful intercourse; in fine, TO PREPARE THE WAY FOR THE MOST SPLEN

DED REVOLUTION, THAT HAS EVER BEEN WITNESSED ON THE EARTH.

Mighty must be that revolution which will be effected by nearly half the habitable world, when suffered without restraint to unfold its resources and augment its population. Nations do not flourish most in solitary existence and seclusion; it is the continued intercourse and commerce of nations with each other, which civilize mankind, and lay open the fields of enterprise and industry. What nation could be blotted out from the map without injury to all that would remain? Its trade gave bread to thousands, nay gave life to thousands who but for this, would never have existed. How interesting then to all the world, is the birth of the American empires, whose commerce will soon add incalculably to the fund upon which the industry of nations may draw! A scene more magnificent never "burst on the eye of philosophy." Can any one for a moment doubt, that under the government of Spain these events can never take place? With one of the finest countries in Europe, if deprived of the colonies, and compelled merely to use the advantages in her future intercourse with them, that Great Britain has with the United States, she may yet be regenerated and become more wealthy and respectable than she would be with all the gold and silver of America, bestowed upon her idleness and sloth. The discovery of America has already produced wonderful effects, but when we compare these effects with the stupendous consequences that must follow its independence, they seem as nothing. No one can contemplate the future state of America without having his mind filled with the most magnificent ideas, and the most sublime conceptions. The dawn of that glory which the discovery of America will shed upon the world, is but just beginning to appear. Hitherto it has been a discovery locked up.

The separation of the American colonies, has been regarded by men of foresight, as an event that in the course of time would hap pen, in spite of every precaution to prevent it. There is nothing more natural than to suppose, that when the vast tracts of country on this side of the Atlantic, should obtain a population suited to

their extent, this must so far surpass that of the European state, that this last would become the mere satellite. The colonies could not be persuaded to remain the subordinate and inferior, when the old state had fallen into comparative insignificance. Let us suppose all the nations of Europe, removed from Spain three thousand miles, and held by her in colonial subjection? The very suggestion of the idea exhibits its absurdity. When James I. united the crown of Scotland to that of England, some expressed an apprehension that England would become a province; the very reverse of which was the natural consequence. In politics, as in astronomy, it is a law of nature, that the smaller bodies must revolve around the larger, The moment the colony exceeds the old state in numbers, and is at the same time equal in spirit and intelligence, the latter must necessarily take the place before occupied by the colony, or a separation ensues.

There is another reason for this tendency to separation. The colony and the ancient state, must in time become distinct nations; the diversity of habits and occupations, arising from the difference of climate, and from the nature of the countries which they occupy, considerable changes in the language and manners of both, would soon produce essential distinctions. Added to this, the offensive arrogance of the European, who fancies himself a superior being, as coming immediately from the original and purer fountain of the race, regarding with contempt, and despising the degenerate natives; who, in turn, would naturally feel indignation at the selfsufficient insolence and arrogance of the stranger. Of this, we had no little experience in our own country; before the revolutionary war, every Englishman thought himself entitled to allegiance from every American, and the natural deviation from English manners, was considered a proof of degeneracy. This very readily accounts for much of that unfriendly feeling, which has prevailed between this country and England, and which to superficial observers, appeared unnatural. If the mere circumstance of living in a distant country, and adopting different habits, will in a few years bring about so great a diversity, this must be still greater, where there is an actual difference of race. In the United States, we have numbers from all the different nations of Europe; in South America, it is true, the colonists were more generally from the colonizing state, but the difference was more than made

up by the numbers of the civilized Indians, who still formed a great proportion of the population of many parts; and these in time became intermixed with the European Spaniards, and their descendants, thus forming a distinct people. The natives of the country could without difficulty intermingle, and have common feelings with these their countrymen; while the Europeans, who could not form any great proportion of the whole, would be looked upon as strangers, as foreigners at least, until they had been long settled in the colony, had families, and became identified or amalgamated in the mass. The more the colony increased its numbers, and the longer it continued a colony, the farther would it be removed in point of feeling, from the ancient state; the weaker, therefore, the ties to that state, and the greater the difficulty of retaining it in subjection. When the habit, the charm, or magic, of dependence was once broken, the ancient state would be regarded in the same light, as any other foreign state, and its attempts to bring back the colonies to subjection, considered in the same light, as the invasion of any other enemy. Hence it is, that the nations of North and South America, have become patriots, defenders of their native soil; while Spain is acting the part of an invader, and amuses herself with the belief, that she is endeavoring to quell the insurrection of a neighboring province, in which there still remain the latent feelings of affection, like those of a disobedient child towards its parent. Spain is not engaged in reducing the revolt of Arragon or Catalonia, but she is carrying on a war against a distant nation, or nations, with the greatest possible disadvantage. Nothing can exceed the folly of such an attempt. For even if she should be successful for the present, can she produce a change in their minds? She might as well think of making war on the elements. THE TIME WILL COME WHEN THEY MUST BE FREE.

It is very evident, that the Spanish colonies had long ago become a different people from the European Spaniards, and as the natural consequence, mutual dislikes and jealousies would be cherished. They must have long since felt that they were a people held in subjection. They could naturally ask, "how long does Spain mean to consider us as appendages to her monarchy, as slaves fastened to the wheels of her chariot, to swell her vanity and pomp? Are we to be colonies for ever? Must we renounce

all hope, that we may lay claim to some of the honors of our beloved native soil? That we may be permitted to improve and ornament the birth place of our ancestors, our own homes, the only country which possesses our affections, the abode of our friends and relations? Are we to be restricted in all our enterprises, by strangers, who come to us as it were from another planet, who have no ties amongst us, and are indifferent to the prosperity and improvement of our country? Shall we tamely submit to these task-masters, who will not permit us to use our own, and who carry away the fruits of our industry, we know not whither?" The only answer that could be made by the oppressor, would be short and simple-"I have the power." This is denied. The madness, the pride, the obstinacy of Spain are not yet satisfied, but the world is satisfied, that a people who can defend themselves for ten years, will be able to defend themselves for ever.

The policy of Spain necessarily tended to create, and to increase this deep-rooted enmity. Its government would soon be considered as an odious usurpation. The most pleasing subject of the thoughts and conversation of the colonists, would be their liberation from this political bondage. They would look to the day, which would bring about this much desired event, with something like religious devotion. There is nothing more natural than the prevalence of such wishes. Even in extensive monarchies, which have the advantage of contiguity, or which have but slight separations, there is a constant tendency to fall by their own weight. In Cicero's orations against Verres, we have a fine picture of the thousand impositions, to which the remote provinces must necessarily be subject; the almost irresponsible viceroys, governors, and sub-agents, sent to govern, or rather rob, excite endless vexations. Nothing can remedy the want of a centre of power, an original fountain of authority of their own. A country thus separated, without a government of its own, is a world without a sun. The distance from the metropolis, renders it impossible to have feelings in common with it, or but few. No empire, therefore, of extensive territory, and particularly when separated by oceans, can be of long duration, unless divided into separate states, each possessing its own centre of power, to which the sympathy, passions, and interests of the people are attracted. Besides, being thus separated from the metropolis, rendering it impos