tectors of those who tyrannized over us. Not only was this system not softened, but there was no hope of its moderating in the course of time. We had no voice, direct, or indirect, in legislating for our country: this was done for us in Spain, without conceding to us the privilege of sending delegates, or counsellors, to be present, and to state what would be suitable, or otherwise, as is practiced by the cities of Spain. Neither did we possess such influence in the government set over us, as might serve to temper the severity of its administration. We knew that there was no remedy for us but to bear with patience; and that for him who could not resign himself to every abuse, death was considered too light a punishment: for, in such cases, penalties have been invented of unheard of cruelty, and revolting to every sentiment of humanity.

Less enormous, and less pertinaciously persevered in, were the outrages which compelled Holland to take up arms, and to free herself from Spain; or those which induced Portugal to shake off the same yoke; or those which placed the Swiss, under William Tell, in opposition to the emperor of Germany; or those which induced the United States of North America to resist the encroachments of Great Britain; or those of many other countries, which, without being separated by nature from their parent states, have separated themselves, in order to shake off an iron yoke, and to take into their own hands the care of their own felicity. We, however, separated by an immense ocean, inhabiting a country gifted with every variety of climate, possessing distinct wants, and treated like flocks and herds, have exhibited the singular example of patient endurance under such degradations: remaining obedient, even when the most seducing circumstances presented themselves for casting off the yoke, and driving the Spanish power to the other side of the ocean.

We address ourselves to the nations of the world, and to manifest so much effrontery, as to think of deceiving them in matters to which they have been witnesses, is impossible. America remained tranquil during the whole war of the succession and awaited the termination of the contest between the houses of Austria and Bourbon, in order to follow the fortunes of Spain. A favorable occasion then presented itself to free ourselves from so many vexations; but we did not seize it, on the contrary we exerted ourselves in her defence, arming in her cause alone, and with a view

of maintaining our connexion with her. Without having any cou cern in her differences with European nations, we have embarked in her wars, we have suffered the devastations, we have borne without a murmur all the privations to which we were exposed by her nullity on the ocean, one of which was the interruption of the usual communication with her.

In the year 1806, our country was invaded: an English expedition surprised and captured Buenos Ayres the capital, through the imbecility of the viceroy, who, though without European troops, had numerous resources fully adequate, of which he knew not how to take advantage. We prayed assistance from the court to enable us to defend ourselves against a new expedition which threatened us, and the consolation we received was a royal mandate to defend ourselves as we could. The following year the eastern shore (Banda Oriental) was occupied by a new and more formidable expedition: the town of Monte Video was besieged, and taken by assault: here the British troops were augmented, and a powerful force prepared for making another attack on the capital. and in fact the attack was made a few months afterwards; happily the valor of our citizens triumphed over the enemy in the assault, compelling him, after a brilliant victory, to evacuate Monte Video, and the whole of the eastern shore.

A more favorable opportunity of rendering ourselves independent could not have been desired than that which now presented itself, if the spirit of rebellion or perfidy had been capable of moveing us, or if we had been susceptible of those principles of anarchy and sedition imputed to us. At that time we had abundant cause for doing what we have since done. It was by no means our duty to be indifferent to the state of oppression under which we had so long groaned. If at any time victory authorizes the conqueror to be the arbiter of his own destinies, we might justly then have fixed ours; we were with arms in our hands, triumphant, and there was not a single Spanish regiment to oppose us; and if neither victory nor force can give right, ours was still greater, no longer to tolerate the domination of Spain. We had nothing to apprehend from the forces of the peninsula; its ports were blockaded, and the seas commanded by the fleets of Britain. Notwithstanding the favorable conjuncture thus presented to us by fortune, we choose to preserve our connexion with Spain, hoping by this distinguished

proof of loyalty to effect a change in the system of the court, and render it sensible of its true interest.

But we flattered ourselves with vain hopes. Spain did not regard this conduct as an evidence of the generosity of our dispositions, but as a bare act of duty. America still continued to be ruled with the same tyranny, and our sacrifices, though most heroic, had no other effect, than to add a few more pages to the history of that oppression under which we had so long groaned.

Such was the situation in which we were found by the revolution of Spain. We, who were habituated to yield a blind obedience to all her mandates, readily acknowledged Ferdinand the 7th of Bourbon, although raised to the throne by a tumult at Aranjuez, which deposed his father. We saw him soon after pass over into France; we saw him there detained with his parents, and brothers, and deprived of the crown which he had just usurped. We saw, that Spain, every where occupied by French troops, was shaken to her centre, and that in her civil convulsions, the most distinguished individuals, who governed with wisdom in the provinces, or served with honor in her armies, fell victims to the insensate fury of rivals. That in the midst of these vibrations, governments rose up in each of those provinces, styling themselves supreme, and claiming sovereign authority over America. A junta of this kind, formed at Seville, had the presumption to be the first to demand our obedience, and we were obliged by our viceroys to recognize and yield it submission. In less than two months, another, entitled the supreme junta of Gallicia, pretended to the same right, and sent us a viceroy, with the indecent menace, that thirty thousand men should also be sent if necessary. The junta central next erected itself: we immediately obeyed it, without having had the slightest share in its formation, zealously and efficaciously, complying with all its decrees. We sent succours of money, voluntary donations, and supplies of every kind, to prove that our fidelity would stand any trial to which it could be subjected.

We had been tempted by the agents of king Joseph Bonaparte, and great promises were held out to us of bettering our condition should we unite ourselves with his interests. We knew that the Spaniards of greatest note had already declared for him; that the nation was without armies, and without the vigorous direction requisite in moments of so much difficulty. We were informed that

the troops of Rio de la Plata, who were prisoners at London, after the first expedition of the English, had been conducted to Cadiz, and there treated with the greatest inhumanity, and that in want of every thing they had been sent off to fight against the French. Yet our situation continued unchanged until the Andal usias having been occupied by the French, and the junta central was dispersed.

Under these circumstances, there was published a paper, without date, and signed only by the archbishop of Laodicea, who had been president of the extinguished junta central. By this paper a regency was ordered to be formed, and three persons, as those who should compose it, were designated. An occurrence so unexpected, could not but cause us to hesitate and ponder over it seriously. Our situation became alarming, and we had reason to be apprehensive of being involved in the misfortunes of the capital. We reflected upon its uncertain and vibrating state; more especially as the French had already presented themselves before the gates of Cadiz and the island of Leon, we distrusted the new regents, who were unknown to us; the most distinguished Spaniards having passed over to the French, the junta central dissolved, its members denounced as traitors in the public papers. We saw the inefficacy of the decree published by the archbishop of Laodicea, and the insufficiency of his powers for the establishment of a regency; we knew not but that the French had taken possession of Cadiz, and completed the conquest of Spain in the interval which must elapse before these papers could come to our hands; and we doubted whether a government, formed out of the fragments of the junta central, would not soon meet with the same fate. Considering the perils which surrounded us, we resolved to take upon ourselves the care of our own safety, until we should obtain better information of the true condition of Spain, and whether her government had acquired stability. Instead of discovering this stability, we soon learned the fall of the regency, and saw it succeeded by continual changes of government, in moments the most arduous and critical.

In the meanwhile we formed our junta, in imitation of those of Spain. It was purely provisional, and in the name of our captive king. The viceroy Don Baltazar Hidalgo Cisneros, despatched circulars to the provincial governors, in order to light up the flames of civil war, and arm provinces against provinces.

The Rio de la Plata was immediately blockaded by a squadron: the governor of Cordova immediately set about raising an army; the governor of Potosi and the president of Charcas, marched with another to the confines of Salta, and the president of Cusco presenting himself with a third army on the margin of the Desaguadero, entered into an armistice of forty days, and before its term had elapsed, recommenced hostilities, attacked our troops, and a bloody battle ensued, in which we lost fifteen hundred men. Memory is horror struck in recalling the abominable cruelties then perpetrated by Goyeneche in Cochabamba. Would to God! it were possible to forget this ungrateful American, who, on the day of his entrance into the city, ordered the respectable governor intendant, Antesana, to be shot; and observing with complacency, from the balcony of his house, this iniquitous assassination, ferociously cried out to his troops not to shoot the victim in the head, as it was wanted to be stuck upon a pike; and when it was severed from the body, the headless trunk was dragged through the streets, while at the same time the brutal soldiers were barbarously permitted to dispose at pleasure of the lives and property of the inhabitants during many successive days.

Posterity will be shocked by the ferocity manifested towards us by men, who ought to have been interested in the preservation of the Americans; and they will regard with astonishment the madness of attempting to punish as a crime an act marked with the indelible seal of fidelity and love. The name of Ferdinand of Bourbon preceded all the acts of the government, and headed its public documents.-The Spanish flag waved on our vessels, and served to animate our soldiers. The provinces seeing themselves reduced to a kind of orphanage by the dispersion of the national government, by the want of another of a legitimate character, and capable of commanding respect, and by the conquest of nearly the whole of the mother country, had raised up for themselves an argus to watch for their safety, and to preserve them entire, so that they might be restored to the captive king, in case he should regain his liberty. This measure was sanctioned by the example of Spain herself, and produced by her declaration, that America was an integral part of the monarchy, possessing equal rights, and which had already been practiced in Monte Video, at the instance of the Spaniards themselves. We offered to continue our pecuniary aids for the prosecution of the war, and a thousand times de