NOTES ON INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
FROM AUGUST 10 TO SEPTEMBER 10

PREPARED BY

PROFESSOR ALLAN WESTCOTT, U. S. Naval Academy

POLAND AND RUSSIA

SECRETARY COLBY STATES AMERICAN POLICY.-In the form of a note to the Italian Ambassador, Secretary of State Colby issued on August 10 an important note outlining the attitude of the United States regarding the Polish-Russian situation. The note stated: (1) that the United States Government believed in a free Polish state and stood unalterably for Poland's political and territorial integrity; (2) that while not intending to put obstacles in the way of peace negotiations between Russia and Poland, it would not participate in a general European conference on the question, for such a conference would involve "two results from both of which this country strongly recoils, viz.: the recognition of the Bolshevist régime and a settlement of the Russian problem almost inevitably upon the basis of a dismemberment of Russia."

The note continuing reiterated the gratitude of the United States to the Russian people and reviewed the historic friendly feeling between the two nations. It pointed out that America had insisted upon recognition of the rights of Russia in settlement of problems in both the Near and the Far East. The latter part of the note consisted of an arraignment of the Soviet Government of Russia, in part as follows:

It is not possible for the Government of the United States to recognize the present rulers of Russia as a government with which the relations common to friendly governments can be maintained. This conviction has nothing to do with any particular political or social structure which the Russian people themselves may see fit to embrace. It rests upon a wholly different set of facts. These facts, which none disputes, have convinced the Government of the United States, against its will, that the existing régime in Russia is based upon the negation of every principle of honor and good faith, and every usage and convention, underlying the whole structure of international law, the negation, in short, of every principle upon which it is possible to base harmonious and trustful relations, whether of nations or of individuals.

The responsible leaders of the régime have frequently and openly boasted that they are willing to sign agreements and undertakings with foreign powers while not having the slightest intention of observing such undertakings of carrying out such agreements. This attitude of disregard of obligations voluntarily entered into, they base upon the theory that no compact or agreement made with a non-Bolshevist government can have any moral force for them. They have not only avowed this as a doctrine, but have exemplified it in practice.

Indeed, upon numerous occasions the responsible spokesmen of this power, and its official agencies, have declared that it is their understanding that the very existence of Bolshevism in Russia, the maintenance of their own rule, depends, and must continue to depend, upon the occurrence of revolutions in all other great civilized nations, including the United States, which will overthrow and destroy their governments and set up Bolshevist rule in their stead. They have made it quite plain that they intend to use every means, including, of course, diplomatic agencies, to promote such revolutionary movements in other countries.

It is true that they have in various ways expressed their willingness to give "assurance," and "guarantees" that they will not abuse the privileges and immunities of diplomatic agencies by using them for this purpose. In view of their own declarations, already referred to, such assurances and guarantees cannot be very seriously regarded.

Moreover, it is within the knowledge of the Government of the United States that the Bolshevist Government is itself subject to the control of a political faction with extensive international ramifications through the Third Internationale, and that this body, which is heavily subsidized by the Bolshevist Government from the public revenues of Russia, has for its openly avowed aim the promotion of Bolshevist revolutions throughout the world. The leaders of the Bolsheviki have boasted that their promises of non-interference with other nations would in no wise bind the agents of this body.

There is no room for reasonable doubt that such agents would receive the support and protection of any diplomatic agencies the Bolsheviki might have in other countries. Inevitably, therefore, the diplomatic service of the Bolshevist Government would become a channel for intrigues and the propaganda of revolt against the institutions and laws of countries, with which it was at peace, which would be an abuse of friendship to which enlightened governments cannot subject themselves.

In the view of this Government, there cannot be any common ground upon which it can stand with a power whose conceptions of international relations are so entirely alien to its own, so utterly repugnant to its moral sense. There can be no mutual confidence or trust, no respect even, if pledges are to be given and agreements made with a cynical repudiation of their obligations already in the mind of one of the parties. We cannot recognize, hold official relations with, or give friendly reception to the agents of a government which is determined and bound to conspire against our institutions; whose diplomats will be the agitators of dangerous revolt; whose spokesmen say that they sign agreements with no intention of keeping them.

SUMMARY

To summarize the position of this Government, I would say, therefore, in response to your Excellency's inquiry, that it would regard with satisfaction a declaration by the allied and associated powers that the territorial integrity and true boundaries of Russia shall be respected. These boundaries should properly include the whole of the former Russian Empire, with the exception of Finland proper, ethnic Poland, and such territory as may by agreement form a part of the Armenian State.

The aspirations of these nations for independence are legitimate. Each was forcibly annexed, and their liberation from oppressive alien rule involves no aggressions against Russia's territorial rights, and has received the sanction of the public opinion of all free peoples. Such a declaration presupposes the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the territory embraced by these boundaries, and in the opinion of this government should be accompanied by the announcement that no trangression by Poland, Finland, or any other power, of the line so drawn and proclaimed will be permitted.

Thus only can the Bolshevist régime be deprived of its false but effective appeal to Russian nationalism and compelled to meet the inevitable challenge of reason and self-respect which the Russian people, secure from invasion and territorial violation, are sure to address to a social philosophy that degrades them and a tyranny that oppresses them.

The policy herein outlined will command the support of this government. Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration. BAINBRIDGE COLBY.

FRANCE CONCURS IN AMERICAN POLICY.-Immediately upon the publication of Secretary Colby's note, the French Government sent a message declaring the French and American Policies "entirely in accord." Premier Millerand stated that France also believed in a free Poland and a United Russia, and that it was with these objects in view that France objected to all negotiations with the Bolsheviki and recognized General Wrangel's opposition movement in southern Russia.

WARNS POLAND AGAINST AGGRESSION.-On August 21 the American Government directed a friendly warning to Poland against aggressive warfare. It was stated at the same time by Washington officials that Great Britain, France and Italy had advised Poland to the same effect. The note follows in part:

The United States applauds the steadfast gallantry of the Polish Army in its defense of Warsaw and is sympathetic with all necessary measures which Poland may take to preserve its political and territorial integrity. This Government, however, urges that every reasonable effort be made to terminate the present bloodshed. It could not approve of the adoption of an offensive war program against Russia by the Polish Government.

The American Government is of the opinion that the Polish advance into Russia tended to create a national sentiment in that country which ignored the tyranny and oppression from which the people suffer and afforded an undeserved support to the Bolshevist régime, which enabled its leaders to embark upon the invasion of Polish territory.

To prevent a recurrence of the present situation the United States Government believes that the Polish Government might well take the opportunity afforded by the favorable turn of events to declare its intention to abstain from any aggressions against Russian territorial integrity; to state that its policy is not directed against the restoration of a strong and united Russia, and that pending a direct agreement as to its Eastern frontier, Poland will remain within the boundary indicated by the Peace Conference.

POLAND OBJECTS TO LINE SET BY ALLIES.-In its reply to Secretary Colby's note, the Polish Government on August 31 expressed certain objections to the so-called "ethnographic frontier" indicated by the Peace Conference, and more definitely laid down by the British Foreign Minister, Lord Curzon, in a note of July 20. The objections were chiefly based on the weakness of the line from a military point of view.

POLISH-RUSSIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABORTIVE.-On August 16 Polish and Russian delegates met at Minsk to reopen negotiations for peace. In spite of the collapse of the Russian offensive, the Soviet delegates refused to modify their terms. After futile discussions the conference ended on

August 25 with Poland's practically complete rejections of the Russian proposals.

Poland's reply to the peace terms presented by the Russian Soviet delegation amounts to a flat rejection, says The Manchester Guardian Minsk correspondent.

'Out of the fifteen Russian demands, only one, that relative to demobilization, is accepted, and that only on condition that Russia will take a similar course-that is to say, Russia must demobilize at the same time Poland disbands her forces.

The terms relative to disarmament, the closing of munitions plants and the delivery of munitions to Russia by Poland are indignantly rejected. "Bolshevist terms relative to a Polish workers' militia and control by the Russians of the railway line from the Bialystok southward are declared beyond discussion. The boundary line between Poland and Russia, as laid down by Earl Curzon, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, is declared unacceptable, as it involves a third partition of Poland."

FURTHER NEGOTIATIONS AT RIGA.-In spite of the failure of the Minsk conference, both Russia and Poland agreed that negotiations should continue, and accepted the port of Riga, in Latvia, as the location for further discussions. It was expected that the delegates would meet at Riga about the middle of September, to consider Poland's counter-proposals.

BRITISH EFFORTS TO AID POLAND.-On August 10 Premier Lloyd George addressed Parliament at length on the Russian situation, reviewing the policy of the government and seeking to justify its efforts to reestablish trade with Russia, and at the same time secure a peaceful settlement of the Russian Polish problem acceptable to Great Britain and the rest of Europe. Prior to and throughout the Minsk negotiations, Great Britain brought pressure to bear on Russia with this end in view. Both to Poland and Russia, Great Britain proposed the frontier suggested in the Versailles Treaty and stated in Lord Curzon's note of July 20.

On August 23 the Italian and British governments sent a protest through the Russian agents in London declaring that the terms submitted by the Soviet Government to Poland were not in accordance with those previously agreed upon as acceptable to the Allied Powers, and stating that unless these terms were adhered to Poland would be given all possible assistance in her defense. In particular, objection was made to the Russian requirement that Poland should arm 60,000 workers, as a "civic militia."

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To this note M. Tchitcherin, the Soviet Foreign Minister, replied on August 26, agreeing to drop the civic militia," asserting his willingness to continue negotiations, and arguing at length on the merits of the Soviet form of government.

BRITISH LABOR OPPOSES RUSSIAN WAR.-London, Saturday, Aug. 14.— British organized labor yesterday issued what was virtually an ultimatum to the government.

Practically all of the labor and trades union executives in the country have agreed to hand over their powers to the Council of Action, which was authorized to call for any and every form of withdrawal of labor which circumstances may require in order to secure a guarantee against military

or naval operations against Russia, withdrawal of the Russian blockade and recognition of the Soviet Government.

The gravity of the step was then raised by J. H. Thomas, M. P. In moving one of the principal resolutions he said these resolutions "do not mean a mere strike. They mean a challenge to the whole constitution of the country."-N. Y. Times, Aug. 14, 1920.

GERMANY STAYS NEUTRAL.-Berlin, Sept. 1 (Associated Press).-Dr. Walter Simons, the Foreign Minister, addressing the Reichstag Foreign Affairs Committee to-day, declared he had been urged to collaborate with the Russian Bolsheviki against the Western powers as a means of breaking the bonds imposed by the Treaty of Versailles but that after mature reflection he had rejected this course.

"If we had followed these exhortations," said the Foreign Minister, "Germany would immediately have become a theatre of war. Furthermore, the disastrous consequences which Bolshevism might be expected to bring with it would have fallen with double force upon Germany.'

Dr. Simons said proposals also have been made that Germany co-operate with the Western powers against Russia, which he considered an equally impossible course.

"No power at war with Soviet Russia,” the Foreign Minister added, 'need count upon our support."

FRANCE RECOGNIZES WRANGEL.-Paris, Aug. II (Associated Press).— The French Government has decided to recognize General Baron Peter Wrangel as head of the de facto Government of South Russia. In making this announcement the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said this recognition implied rendering General Wrangel all possible military assistance.

France will send a high commissioner to Sebastopol immediately, the Foreign Office stated.

Two reasons were given by the Foreign Office for recognizing General Wrangel. The first was his promise to assume all the obligations of the former Russian Government. The second was his promise to give Russia a democratic government.

POLAND'S QUARREL WITH LATVIA.-London, Sept. 7.-The Polish Government has addressed an appeal to the League of Nations requesting its mediation in the Polish-Lithuanian dispute, and the League is considering it. Unless an improvement occurs in the situation Poland will be compelled to declare war on Lithuania, the appeal states, and it charges that an unprovoked attack had been made on the Polish troops by Lithuanian forces.

The Polish demand is, the note indicates, that the Lithuanian troops evacuate Polish territory within a few days.

Paris, Sept. 7.-The Polish note to the League of Nations asking it to mediate in the Polish-Lithuanian controversy says that while the Polish armies were retreating before the Russian Soviet forces the Lithuanian government concluded an agreement with the Soviet government at Moscow authorizing the Soviet Army to make use of Lithuanian territory for its passage and the establishment of a military base. This, the note points out, was a breach of neutrality. The note continues :

"Later when the Polish armies were forced to withdraw from ethnographic Polish territory as awarded Poland by the Supreme Council on Dec. 8, 1919, Lithuanian troops occupied the evacuated territory and committed excesses toward the populations remaining faithful to Poland.

"When the Bolshevist inasion was repulsed the Polish Army reoccupied Suwalki and the Lithuanian Government sent a note to the Polish Government declaring it did not recognize the frontier as fixed by the Supreme Council and asking the Poles to retire behind the line of GrajevoAugustowo."