SEPTEMBER, 1814.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

H. of R.

before the question was taken, he should be al- was one of those occurrences in life to which we lowed to take a calm and dispassionate view of it. must submit, and is no more disgrace than the He agreed entirely with the gentleman from ordering the necessary retreat of an army. If it North Carolina, that whoever voted from per- shall appear folly to remain here, this is the mosonal motives on this question, whether for or ment to remove. If we are to stay here till the against it, deserved condemnation. Although, enemy comes, to sit and be dragged from our said Mr. G., I might have personal or local feel- seats, the President stolen-and there is nothing ings on the occasion, they shall not operate if I now to guard against it; if we are to run all risks can throw them from me. I will look entirely for false honor, let us have no argument; let us to the good of the nation in the vote I am about say at once we will be self-devoted. This war, to give. Mr. G. said he viewed the proposed gentlemen well knew, might continue for years. temporary removal as no violation of the public If a peace did not take place now, he feared it faith. If it was, the public faith was so violated would be long before it did. What, then, was in 1794, when the President alone was authorized the condition of the Government in this District? to change the place of meeting. Gentlemen had Let gentlemen ask themselves fairly. Were they said, if the Government once began to roll, it willing to appropriate the money of the people of would never return. Is this the true and proper the United States to build a Capitol, to plant it place for the Seat of Government? If it be, how in this District, where it might be destroyed in can gentlemen say it will not return immediately twenty days? No, gentlemen said, they would after the causes for its present removal shall defend it, at an expense of ten or twelve millions; cease? It will. The Seat of Government will for that much it would cost, so indefensible is in such case gravitate as certainly to this position this point. Did not the interest of the country, as the needle to the pole. All the arguments, Mr. G. asked, require them to remove to a place therefore, against the removal, on the ground that of security, where it would not be necessary to it would be permanent, ought to be thrown out expend ten or fifteen millions, or any other sum, of consideration, as they had nothing to do with in the simple defence of Congress? Would genthe question. Let the resolution take its course tlemen say that Congress were safe without an and go to a committee. Suppose at the time army to protect them? No. For it was well Congress met, that the enemy could have held known that, without such a protection, the frigthe place, or was in force on the water to occupy ates may be thrown up the river and drive Conthe place the next day. Would Congress, in such gress off. Were gentlemen ready to divert the a case, attempt to sit here? The question was public money from the great object of prosecuting not, however, whether any exigency would jus- the war, to raise an army solely for defending tify the removal from this place, because that this place? Mr. G. slightly noticed the inconprinciple has been long ago decided by the pas-venience of this place to the members; the want sage of the act to which he had before alluded; of information, &c. Where were they to go for the question was, whether this was such an exi- libraries? Would gentlemen appropriate thougency as to require the removal? He saw no sands and thousands to obtain another library to reason, therefore, why the adoption of the ques- replace that which was burnt by the enemy? tion should excite such a feeling as appeared to These inconveniences, added to insecurity, urged prevail, unless gentlemen were desirous to place the immediate removal of Congress. He said he their argument on the ground they had unguard- had steered clear of all idea of permanent reedly disclosed, that this was the very worst place moval, for he was not one of those who yielded in the nation for Congress to sit in. The idea of to the opinion that, after removal to any other the gentleman from South Carolina was singu- place, the impropriety of returning to this place lar, who conceived that a removal would be will be so palpable that they could never obtain striking our colors. Wait, says the gentleman, a vote for it. Indeed, if gentlemen desired it, he till the enemy comes and chases you off! That, was, for one, willing to give a pledge, in case of said Mr. G., is the dishonor which I dread from the removal, in the act itself, to return here at remaining, the very disgrace I wish to avoid. the close of the war. You now sit coolly and deliberately; you may remove without disgrace or dishonor. But if this be a point which you cannot defend against an enemy, why talk like children about remaining here and having your heads cut off rather than remove? The gentleman from Tennessee, comparing the city to a farm, says, if his house was burned, he would not therefore move off his farm. But suppose a neighbor would politely offer him a clean bed, excellent food, and proper utensils for cooking and providing for his wants, would he refuse the use of them and rather sleep in his barn? The occupation of this city was one of the events of war, and was anticipated last Summer, when it was the subject of secret debate. To remove from the city temporarily

Mr. TROUP, of Georgia, the chairman of the Military Committee, made a very succinct and clear statement of the defences provided and about to be provided for the city. [This statement, however proper and necessary to be presented to the House, is not deemed by the reporter to be proper for publication, and is therefore omitted.]

Mr. T. concluded by observing that it was the opinion of those qualified to judge, and indeed it was his opinion, that the city was entirely protected from assault by land, and soon would be by water.

Mr. HAWKINS, of Kentucky, rose to offer a few ideas to the House, which he said had occurred to him since the subject had been presented this

H. of R.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

SEPTEMBER, 1814.

morning. Granting to gentlemen premises they by the removal of the Government from this had taken, and ceding the justice of a part of place. If this was false pride, if this was false their reasoning, when tested and made applicable honor, Mr. H. said, let him thus ever maintain to the real question, neither one nor the other ap- what he believed to be the real honor of the napeared to him to lead to the conclusions they had tion, of which some gentlemen had so lightly drawn. Cede the Constitutional question that spoken. When the emergency does exist, the peothe Seat of Government might be removed by ple will sanction the removal, but not till then. Congress; cede too that there is some cause for If the danger does exist, and there is an incompethis removal; we have yet to inquire, said he, tent force for repelling it, said Mr. H., as gentlewhether or not this is an exigency requiring re- men on the other side aver, let them take care moval, and then, whether we can remove advan- that this nation, that other nations, and posterity, tageously. First, as to the causes of removal. do not make some strong inquiries of_them. What are they? Famine? An invading army? Have they gone hand in hand with the ExecuNeither. An invading army has indeed pene- tive in making provision of the means for our detrated to the city, and what have they done? fence? If this error did exist, Mr. H. said he was With traits of barbarity better suited to Vandals unwilling to add others to it. He was unwilling than to Britons, they sacked a few buildings, and to add one disgrace to another, by flying now from retired so precipitately, abandoned it so disgrace- that enemy who has so precipitately fled from us. fully as to leave many of their most valuable officers The feelings of gentlemen were warm from seeand soldiers even slightly wounded in our hands. ing the situation of their Capitol, and he feared Where now is that enemy? Is he at Baltimore, they were too much influenced by them. When Philadelphia, or New York-or where is he? danger is proved, Mr. H. said he should deem Perhaps, if Congress were to decide on removing, himself unwise if he did not go with gentlemen the first step would bring them to face that incur- in voting for removal. But as to the inconvenisive foe whose approach gentlemen appeared to ence spoken of, it was certainly more nominal dread. When the emergency did exist, Mr. H. than real. If local considerations were to prevail said he would go with gentlemen in seeking out in favor of removal to any other place, he thought a place of greater security. But at this moment, it would not be difficult to show, go where they he could but view this as a question of panic. will, Congress will produce a pressure on a maRemove now, said he, and what spectacle will jority of that community. It was true that promiyou exhibit to the community? The enemy has nent men may take advantage of it, but it will retreated in such a manner as to induce no belief operate as a prejudice to the people generally of his desire to return. The enterprise which among whom Congress locate themselves. Remade him master of this city was desperate in its move from here momentarily or otherwise, and character, and marked by a degree of bravery every prospect of the people of this city is blasted amounting to rashness; and every one will admit and withered. In voting for a removal, under presthat had the energies of the Government been pro-ent circumstances, he believed Congress would vioperly brought into action, he would have retreated with much greater loss. Nay, Mr. H. said, he would venture to assert, that three thousand brave men, led and kept in action, would have prevented the enemy from entering the capital; and that one thousand men in the Capitol alone with musketry would have defended the Capitol against the invaders. Grant that Congress has the power to remove the Seat of Government. Had the emergency occurred? Had the enemy presented that formidable attitude to require their flight from the Capitol? Was the enemy even at hand? Had he footing even in the borders of our country? No, even there he was flying before a small undisciplined force: the patriotic volunteers of New York and Vermont, one fourth the number of the enemy, had driven him before them. Just at this moment, too, when we are gaining most splendid victories over them in their own territory, he could not see the reason for removal from our capital. It must be a feeling of panic only which recommends it, and he would not consent to exhibit it to his or any other country. What trophy could the enemy exhibit from his visit to this place? It would be asked in Europe, what blood had been spilt in its defence-who had fallen? It would be seen the Government was again pursuing its course, unawed and uninterrupted. He would not give the world reason to say otherwise

late the national faith, sacrifice thousands and thousands of people who ought to be protected, and exhibit a panic to an enemy from whom we have nothing to fear, and who has of his own accord precipitately abandoned our territory.

Mr. OAKLEY, of New York, next spoke. He said, that if indeed the enemy had abandoned our country at every point, it could not be justly supposed that Congress would be influenced by a panic in removing from this place. If the enemy be entirely out of view, this question may be discussed without that sort of feeling which some appear to entertain of it. Mr. O. said he would endeavor never to debate with feeling or passion, which was not at all conducive to inquiry into truth. If they could not approach this question without appeals to the passions and fears of the members, it certainly was no proof of its indisputable inexpediency. He was well aware, he said, of the interest which this District felt in the decision of this question; but it was proper that that interest should be manifested in a becoming manner. It was proper that considerations of this kind should have their proper influence; but when he heard gentlemen tell the House that by a temporary removal they would ruin thousands and thousands of individuals, he must believe it mere fanciful declamation. It was true, that a removal might injure individuals; but he presumed no gentle

SEPTEMBER, 1814.

Removal of the Seat of Government.

H. of R.

man in the House would hesitate to make a fair expensive and least efficient force. Notwithstandand liberal compensation by way of indemnity to ing the great services they had sometimes rensuch sufferers. It was a cardinal point in his dered, Mr. O. said he could have no dependence politics, Mr. O. said, that the national faith should on the militia. It ought not to be tolerated, when be preserved inviolate, even when improperly every means ingenuity could devise was stretched pledged, unless where considerations of a para- to the utmost extent to prosecute the war, that mount nature forbade it. Gentlemen had talked Congress should sit here at such a cost. The about the national faith-but were they not aware enemy had retreated precipitately from this place, that national contracts frequently cannot be ful- Mr. O. admitted, but they had immediately atfilled in the spirit in which they are made; and tacked another city; and our Government had would they say that there might not be cases been officially given to understand, that the enin which necessity would impose on them a emy intended to pursue this course. He would course different from that pursued in ordinary not rely, therefore, on the forbearance or inability cases? As to the expediency of removal, this of an enemy who were both able and willing to was a mere proposition for inquiry, and if on in- annoy us. It was not disgraceful to feel alarm quiry it should appear that Congress cannot be at the exposed situation of the place. The exmore easily protected from the enemy, and better posure was brought upon us by the war. Every accommodated elsewhere, the arguments of gen-point could not be defended; and Congress would tlemen would apply, &c. &c. No temporary re- deserve the meed of wisdom and prudence for removal, Mr. O. said, would be a violation of the moving hence, if by a removal they could be betnational faith. When we speak of a permanent ter accommodated, relieve the finances from the seat of Government in the most literal sense, we enormous burden of defending the city by a militia speak of it subject to casualties. As to the panic force, and at the same time relieve the city by alleged, were the enemy at our doors, the remark taking from it the only object which could enmight be correct, but not otherwise. While, how danger its invasion by the enemy. Gentlemen ever, Mr. O. said he would not remove at present discussed this question as if the Seat of Governunder the impulse of fear, he would not remain ment was proposed to be finally removed, and from false courage. There was courage of one said that such would be the practical effect of the kind, and courage of another kind-the one ani- ' temporary removal. Gentlemen had no right to mating the soldier in the fight, the other fortify- say so. No such design was expressed or implied ing the citizen in the discharge of his duties. To by the mover of the resolution; and it could only be sure, members of Congress might put them- result, if at all, from the inherent circumstances selves on a par with the miserable wretches who of the case. If circumstances should make a fill the ranks of the enemy, and march forth to permanent removal necessary, it must take place; battle. But when we are sent here, said he, it is and if the Constitution was in the way, it ought to to legislate, to provide the ways and means to pay be amended. Whatever respect he might feel those who are to fight. Whilst we transact the for the inhabitants of the District, he would say business of legislators, and put means into others that their interest could not for a moment enter hands to carry on the war, we are in the line of into competition with the interests of this nation. our duty. On some occasions it is glorious to It should never be permitted that a few thousand gentlemen to take up arms and maintain the prin- inhabitants should rise and say they would be ciples they have asserted by their votes; and there ruined, if the nation could be benefitted, provided were some in this House who could boast of hav- the nation indemnified them for their loss. ing done so; but, in general, legislation required people of the District are liable to suffer with all tranquillity and separation from other duties. The others the evils resulting from war. The tempoincursion of the enemy, he said, instead of afford-rary removal of the Government, is such an evil. ing reasons against a removal of the Seat of Govment, afforded conclusive arguments in favor of it. It had certainly shown one thing: that this was not a proper situation for the Seat of Government, because it is owing to the forbearance of Mr. HANSON, of Maryland, moved to postpone the enemy that Congress had now a single roof to indefinitely the further consideration of the mocover their heads whilst deliberating on the con- tion, and supported his motion by a speech, the cerns of the nation. He called upon gentlemen substance of which was, that though he enter to say whether it would be proper to remain at a tained very great contempt for the citizens of place where the public documents were so much Washington, which he expressed in the most exposed to destruction, unless protected at an ex-pointed language, he was opposed to a removal pense which was most disproportionate to the at this moment, as being derogatory to the naobject. The gentleman from Georgia said the tional dignity and honor. place was defensible. They had been told so always. They had been told so by the constituted authorities, as far as they could speak, at the moment when the enemy invaded the Capital. As to the defence by the militia, the force which is destined for the defence of this District as had been stated to this House, it was at once the most 13th CoN. 3d SESS.-11

The

The people of the city ought to have confidence enough in the honor of the nation to believe that, if the Government removed, they would be fully indemnified for any loss they might sustain.

The motion for postponement was negativedyeas 48, nays 79, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Barnett, Bayly of Virginia, Bowen, Burwell, Culpeper, Cuthbert, Earle, Eppes, Farrow, Fisk of Vermont, Forney, Forsyth, Franklin, Gaston, Gholson, Goodwyn, Hall, Hanson, Hawes, Hawkins, Humphreys, Jackson of Virginia, Kent of Maryland,

H. OF R.

Amendments to the Constitution.

SEPTEMBER, 1814.

Mr. KING, of Massachusetts, adverting to the law passed in 1813, allowing a bounty for prisoners taken by private armed vessels, remarked that, by recent decisions of the proper authority, it appeared that the provisions of this act did not extend to the cases of recapture by private armed vessels, certainly a meritorious class of cases, and equally entitled, with others, to remuneration for their enterprises. To collect the sense of the House on the propriety of extending this provision to embrace such cases, he moved the following resolution:

Kerr, Kershaw, King of North Carolina, Lewis, the community, and praying that it may be abolLowndes, Macon, McCoy, McKim, Montgomery, New-ished in future.-Referred to the Committee on ton, Pearson, Pickens, Pleasants, Rhea of Tennessee, Post Roads and Post Offices. Roane, Sage, Sevier, Smith of Virginia, Strong, Stuart, Telfair, Troup, White, Wright, and Yancey. NAYS-Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Barbour, Baylies of Massachusetts, Boyd, Bradbury, Bradley, Brigham, Brown, Caperton, Caldwell, Champion, Chappell, Clark, Comstock, Condit, Conard, Cox, Crawford, Creighton, Crouch, Dana, Davenport, Davis of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Desha, Duvall, Ely, Findley, Fisk of New York, Geddes, Gourdin, Griffin, Grosvenor, Harris, Hulbert, Ingersoll, Ingham, Johnson of Kentucky, Kent of New York, King of Massachusetts, Lefferts, Lovett, Lyle, Markell, McLean, Miller, Moffit, Moseley, Murfree, Oakley, Piper, Post, John Reed, Rea of Pennsylvania, Rich, Ruggles, Seybert, Sharp, Sherwood, Skinner, Stanford, Stockton, Sturges, Tannehill, Thompson, Udree, Vose, Ward of Massachusetts, Ward of New Jersey, Wheaton, Wilcox, Wilson of Pennsylvania, and Winter. Mr. Fisk, of Vermont, made an able and decided, but short speech against the resolution

The question was then taken on the resolution, and decided in the affirmative by yeas and nays, 72 to 51, as follows:

Resolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of extending the provisions of the act entitled, "An act allowing a bounty to the owners, officers, and crews, of the pri vate armed vessels of the United States," passed on the 2d of August, 1813, to such officers and crews of merchant vessels of the United States as have recaptured, or may recapture, the same from the enemy. The resolution was agreed to.

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. Mr. JACKSON, of Virginia, said it would be honor to propose a resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States. He now renewed it, that it might be decided on during the present session of Congress. He then offered a motion to amend the Constitution, embracing the following propositions:

YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Baylies of Massachusetts, Boyd, Brad-recollected that at the last session he had the bury, Bradley, Brigham, Brown, Caldwell, Champion, Clark, Comstock, Condict, Conard, Cox, Crawford, Creighton, Crouch, Dana, Davenport, Davis of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Desha, Duvall, Ely, Findley, Fisk of New York, Geddes, Gourdin, Grosvenor, Harris, Hulbert, Ingersoll, Ingham, Irving, Johnson of Kentucky. Kent of New York, King of Massachusetts, Lefferts, Lovett, Lyle, Markell, McLean, Mil- Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representler, Moffit, Moseley, Murfree, Oakley, Piper, Post, atives of the United States of America in Congress John Reed, Rea of Pennsylvania, Rich, Ruggles, Sey-assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, That bert, Sharp, Sherwood, Skinner, Stanford, Stockton, the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures Sturges, Tannehill, Udree, Vose, Ward of Massa- of the several States as amendments to the Constitu chusetts, Ward of New Jersey, Wheaton, Wilcox, and tion of the United States; each of which, when ratiWinter. fied by three-fourths of the said Legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution:

NAYS-Messrs. Barbour, Bayly of Virginia, Bowen, Burwell, Chappell, Culpeper, Cuthbert, Earle, Eppes, Farrow, Fisk of Vermont, Forney, Forsyth, Franklin, Gaston, Gholson, Goodwyn, Griffin, Hall, Hanson, Hawes, Hawkins, Humphreys, Jackson of Virginia, Kent of Maryland, Kerr, Kershaw, King of North Carolina, Lewis, Lowndes, Macon, McCoy, McKim, Montgomery, Newton, Pearson, Pickens, Pleasants, Rhea of Tennessee, Roane, Sage, Sevier, Smith of Virginia, Strong, Stuart, Telfair, Troup, White, Wilson of Pennsylvania, Wright, and Yancey.

Mr. FISK, of New York, Mr. McKIM, Mr. BURWELL, Mr. GROSVENOR, Mr. INGHAM, Mr. HAWKINS, and Mr. DANA, were appointed the committee pursuant to the said resolution.

TUESDAY, September 27.

Two other members, to wit: from Connecticut, LYMAN LAW. and from Virginia, JOHN P. HUNGERFORD, appeared, and took their seats.

Mr. JACKSON, of Virginia, presented a petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of West Liberty in Virginia, and its vicinity, stating their opinion that the transportation and opening of the mail on Sunday is injurious to the morals of

1. Congress shall have power to lay a tax or duty, not exceeding ten per centum ad valorem, on articles exported from any State.

2. Congress shall have power to make roads in any State.

3. Congress shall have power to make canals in any State, with the consent of the State within which the same shall be made.

4. Congress shall have power to establish a National Bank, with branches thereof, in any State.

Mr. JACKSON moved to refer these propositions to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; and gave notice that he should call for the consideration of the last of them on Friday

next.

Mr. Fisk, of New York, called for a division of the question on the reference of these propositions to a Committee of the Whole. He said he should vote for the reference of the first three, but against the reference of the last, and assigned his reasons for discriminating between them. The first three, he said, were of an important nature, and would require mature deliberation and discussion before acted on, and he should