Слике страница
PDF
ePub

H. OF R.

Bounty to Deserters.

SEPTEMBER, 1814.

of disposing of this species of persons, so that they be filled by ragamuffins of all descriptions; and, mighi be useful rather than burdensome to the by the adoption of such a measure as that procommunity, he proposed the following resolve: posed by this resolution, we should make a direct

Resolved, That the Committee on the Public Lands appeal to the worst passions of the worst men. be instructed to inquire into the expediency of giving Are we reduced to this? Have we not resources to each deserter from the British army, during the to maintain an open and manly contest without present war, one hundred acres of the public lands, appealing to this most unheard of and disgraceful such deserter actually settling the same ; and that the course ? If such policy were pursued by the committee have leave to report by bill or othewise. Government, he should forever despair of a suc

The question to take this motion into consider- cessful issue to the contest in which we are enation, the yeas and nays having been required by gaged. He hoped gentlemen would reflect

deeply Mr. Oakley, was decided—For consideration 82, on this subject, before they gave their consent io against it 45, as follows:

this inquiry. If considerations sufficiently powYeas—Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Avery,

erful to arrest the measure do not press upon the Barbour, Bard, Barnett, Bradley, Brown, Burwell, feelings of men, it would be in vain for him to Caldwell, Chappell, Clark, Condic Conard, Crawford, urge them. There were, he said, some proposiCreighton, Crouch, Culpeper, Cuthbert, Dana, Davis tions which outraged at once so greatly all the of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Desha, Eppes, Evans, feelings of honor and propriety, that it seemed un. Findley, Fisk of Vermont, Fisk of New York, Forney, necessary to oppose them by argument. Since Forsyth, Franklin, Gholson, Glasgow, Goodwyn, Gour- the resolution had been introduced, there must be din, Griffin, Hall, Harris, Hawes, Hawkins, Hubbard, some reasons to urge or justify its adoption. But Humphreys, Ingersoll, Ingham, Irving, Irwin, Jackson could the invitation to and encouragement of treaof Virginia, Johnson of Kentucky, Kent of Maryland, son come fairly within the scope of our views ? Kershaw, Lefferts, Lowndes, Lyle, Macon, McCoy, Shall the United States, after having year after McKee, McKim, McLean, Montgomery, Murfree, New-year held out their conduct as an example of ton, Piper, Pleasants, Rea of Pennsylvania, Rhea of public faith and honor; after arraigning the eneTennessee, Rich, Roane, Sage, Sevier, Seybert, Sharp, my at the bar of nations for his disregard of jusSkinner, Stanford, Strong, Tannehill

, Telfair, Troup, tice, and for his violations of the rules of warfare; Udree, Ward of New Jersey, Wilson of Pennsylvania, shall the United States, after all tbis, go as far and Yancey. Nars-Messrs. Baylies of Massachusetts, Bigelow, of war, as he has gone beyond all other nations ?

beyond the enemy in his violations of the asages Boyd, Bradbury, Brigham, Caperton, Cooper, Cox: Shall we, by so doing, draw a veil over the atroGrosvenor, Hanson, Hulbert, Jackson of Rhode Island, city of his acts, and place us on an eminence of Kent of New York, King of Massachusetts, Law, guilt which po nation ever before reached ? He Lewis, Lovett, Markell, Miller, Moffit, Moseley, Oak called upon gentlemen, by their regard for their ley, Pearson, Pickering, Post, John Reed, Ruggles, own honor and the character of the nation, to Sherwood, Smith of Virginia, Stockton, Sturges, stop this proposition in its outset. The House, Thompson, Vose, Ward of Massachusetts, Wheaton, by their vote to consider the resolution, had alWhite, Wilcox, and Winter.

ready gone too far in sanctioning a proposition On the suggestion of Mr. McKee, of Kentucky, wbich strikes at the root of those principles which the resolution was amended, so as to refer the sub- bind together the civilized world. It would be ject to the Committee on Military Affairs, within to offer a bounty to treason. He did not know the scope of whose duties it appeared to him to what it might lead. There was enough of bitmore properly to come.

terness and animosity already infused into this The yeas and nays having been ordered on the war. Our enemy now affect (for affectation he passage of the resolution

must suppose it) to accuse us of a violation of Mr. Oakley, of New York, said he had asked the usages of civilized warfare, and presume to for the yeas and nays on the question of consider place their severest measures on the ground of ing this resolution, io mark his opposition to it in retaliation. Adopt this measure, and they are every stage. With deep regret, he might truly justified for every measure of atrocity to which say, had he seen this resolution before the House. they may think fit to resort. It will not be in He had hoped, to whatever extent of sacrifice your mouths hereafter to complain of the burning Congress mighi determine to go in the prosecu- and ravaging of your towns, or of the unreasonation of this war, although we might all agree to ble rupture of negotiations. He called upon genJay down our lives and fortunes in its support, we tlemen, then, to reflect whether the adoption of shall still retain something like national honor. this measure would not infuse into the present He was scrry to see a proposition before this contest a temper which will defeat all hopes of House which he considered to be levelled at the an early peace. root of it. He did not speak from exteusive Mr. Fisk, of Vermont, denied that this propoknowledge, but he believed he was justified in silion was of the character ascribed 10 it; and saying it was the only proposition of the kind ever said that he was not conscious of possessing a submitted to any legislature. He did not know, disposition to sanction any such measure. What at least, that it had ever entered into the scope of does the motion propose? That the deserters policy of this Government to encourage the com- coming among us, instead of becoming nuisances mission of crime by those most likely to perpe- 10 society, may be provided with the means of trate it. The ranks of the enemy were known to becoming good citizens. But, says the gentleman

SEPTEMBER, 1814.

Bounty to Deserters.

H. OF R.

from New York, this is a violation of all princi- permitted to carry it into ours. They would one ple. I have never understood that nations al peace and all decide in favor of the former. The people with each other were precluded from receiving begin to find we are at war with a nation whom each other's deserters; and is it understood, that, no considerations of peculiar modesty or generoswhen you are at war, we may not provide the iry prevent from carrying into effect any measures means of support for those who desert from our lo which her power is adequate. Still, however, enemy? Did gentlemen desire, in order to main could dishonor attach in any way to the measure tain this ideal national dignity, this high standing which he proposed, he would not support it. But among nations, that we should return to the ene- even humanity demanded such a provision. The my those deserters who came within our lines ? deserters from the enemy now infesting our cities Would the gentleman from New York advocate were at once a burden to themselves and a nuisuch a measure? And which is more criminal, sance to society; but, planted on our frontiers, if criminality can attach to such conduct, to fos. they would not only form a barrier against savage ter them when coming among you in time of incursions, but would become useful citizens. peace, or provide the means necessary to prevent Mr. F.compared the advantages of thus diminishiheir being a burden to the community in time of ing the enemy's effective force with the expense war? If we take the first step of receiving de- of doing it in any other way, and drew a concluserters, why not take the other which is now pro- sion favorable to his motion." He was determined posed ?. But the gentleman had said, this would to support this war by every proper and honorable be io viting deserters from the enemy. Mr. F. said measure; and he considered this one of that dethey were already invited by the nature of our scription. Desertions from the enemy, he said, institutions, by the freedom and protection they were daily and numerous. Something like five or afforded to strangers. And would the gentleman six hundred men had already deserted from the change our form of Government, lest in its present enemy at Plattsburg-many of them useful, enshape it should tempt the soldiers of the enemy terprising men, who wish to become citizens. My to desert? The resolution proposes to introduce wish, said Mr. F., is to make them useful, by giva no new principle. We do now receive deserters; ing them the means of support by honest industry. and there is no gentleman who will rise in bis Mr. GROSVENOR, of New York, said, that as he place and move that all deserters be sent back. was bound to believe that any gentleman who The gentleman supposes the measure to be with made a motion in this House considered it honorout precedent. Let the gentleman read Lord able and proper, when he pronounced the measure, Wellington's proclamation while in Spain, offer now proposed to be dishonest, dishonorable and ing a bounty io every deserter from the French inexpedient, he did not mean to reflect personally army of twelve crowns. This precedent had been og those who moved or advocated it. He did set by the very nation with whom we are at war. think so, and he did conceive also that the sugAdmiral Cockburn, too, had not long ago publish- gestions offered against them by the gentleman ed a proclamation io all who wished to leave the from New York had been in no degree met by country to appoint a place of rendezvous, and he the mover. Had they been met? The gentlewould furnish the means to carry them off. Look man talked about the crimes of Britain; and seemalso at General Brisbane's proclamation to the ed to infer because she had violated principle in people of Vermont and New York, inviting them one way, we might in another. This resolution all io stay at home, in other words, to desert the would indeed at once reduce us to the same depth standard of their country, and to furnish his army of guilt in which the gentlemen say our enemy with provisions, &c. Gentlemen might even look is wallowing. The measure embraced in the back to times of peace, and see similar conduct motion before the House, being in the nature of on the part of the enemy. During the existence retaliation, was different from all other such meaof our embargo law, which was very oppressive sures. It was wicked in itself, because it encourin its operation on our present enemy, though, to aged crime. It could not therefore be justified be sure, bis frieods in this country spoke very on that ground, nor indeed on any other. For lightly of its effect, they invited our citizens to his part, Mr. G. said, he had voted against the violate it, offering them protection and safe con- consideration of the motion, because in principle duct in so doing, not only to any British port, but it was wrong, and therefore he would not even to any port whatever. Whatever new distinc- inquire into it. Without regard, he said, to the tions may be drawn on this head, yet, if we look insinuation of particular sensibilities, the usual at the effect of measures, a more direct invitation cant in this House, on such occasions, he should to rebellion, even in time of peace with us, could candidly discuss this question. If he knew himnot be imagined. From some cause or other, a self, he observed, there was not a gentleman on great deal of sensibility was always exhibited in the floor who would go further than he would at this House when certain subjects were touched. this moment, to rescue the country from the danThe House was told again and again to beware gers which environ it, to repel the foe that tramof provokiog the enemy's wrath. This kind of ples on the soil. But, let the danger be what it false sensibility was, Mr. F. said, fast vanishing. would, unless the existence of the nation was Ask the citizens of Plattsburg, Buffalo, Havre- absolutely in jeopardy, he could not, under any de Grace, Hampton, Georgetown, and this place, pretence, consent to prostrate its honor and digwhether they had rather the war should be car- bity by plunging into crime. The question, then, ried into the enemy's territories or he should be arose whether the proposed measure was or was

H. or R.

Bounty to Deserters.

SEPTEMBER, 1814.

[ocr errors]

not of a criminal nature; and this question heed, they would suffer death. The gentleman had
wished fairly to consider. What was this pro talked of humanity ; was there any humanity in
position which was to be adopted as a national this?. In its consequences, as well as its princi-
principle, as a portion of our national morality, ples, it is utterly objectionable. Whenever the
to stamp our character, now and forever? He nation is pushed to the last extremity, such a
asked gentlemen to say if they would, by adopto measure might present a question for considera-
ing this proposition, offer a bounty for the com- tion; but we are not driven to this extremity.
mission of crime? Let gentlemen look into the This country is abundantly capable of defence.
books on national law, they will find desertion to Let its means be brough forth; the people are
be an offence of so black a dye that not even en- ready and willing to raise their arms in its defence.
emies are to encourage it. It is an offence in There was no occasion for such degrading mea.
regard to which it is a common expression, that sures as this.
men love the treason but hate the traitor. A na Mr. SHARP, of Kentucky, commenced some re-
tion must receive the traitor, but hates him at the marks by saying, that on all subjects requiring
same time; because the crime of deserting the the deliberation of Congress, he was pleased to
allegiance which a man owes to his country, is see a sentiment of jealous regard for the national
one of the deepest dye, one which you are daily honor and character pervading the House, and
punishing with death on your frontier. It is now felt disposed to allow the sincerity and candor of
proposed to offer a bounty on an offence, to which every gentleman who made professions of it.
your own laws have decreed the punishment of After hearing very attentively, however, all that
death. Why stop here? Why noi offer a bounty had been said on this subject, and giving due
to every man who commits treason of any kind ? credit to the ingenuity of gentlemen, whose ar-
Why stop here? Why not at once adopt the guments are certainly very specious, his mind
principles of the Old Man of the Mountain, as he had not been convinced but that the measure now
is called, and offer a bounty for the assassination proposed to the House perfectly comported with
of the King, Governors and Generals of your en- ihe national honor. It was true, indeed, that
emy? Why stop short by giving a bounty on when we consult the conduct of nations, and
desertion ? Why not at once give a bounty for those usages which have the force of laws, we
the assassination of every man in your enemy's shall find many traits that do not quadrate entire-
camp, and pay the perpetrators of the crime when ly with the principles deemed honorable in social
their daggers reek with their blood? There is life. But, in considering subjects of this kind,
little or no distinction, in principle, between these we must disentangle our minds from the conside
offences. Mr. G. repeated that he was ready, and eration of municipal laws which have no bearing
gentlemen would find it in his conduct, to travel on this subject. Treason is a crime of the high-
every honorable length in defending his country. est grade against the nation to which the traitor
But nothing short of preserving the independence belongs. To withdraw allegiance from one na-
of the country, and not till that independence was tion and transfer it to that nation's enemy, during
prostrate on the ground, could induce him 10 war, is treason against the sovereign authority to
adopt a measure, embracing a principle like this. which allegiance was due. But how ought we
And what would gentlemen gain by it? It was 10 consider this crime? Though a crime against
already universally understood that the soldiers a man's own country, it is no crime against that
of the enemy deseried whenever they could. But to which he deserts. The desertion of a soldier
say, that by this measure we gained ten thousand from our enemy is surely no crime against the
men-would it be a feather in the scale; would United States, and therefore, as to us, no crime at
this indemnify us for the black disgrace which it all. Mr. S. examined at some length the nature
would stamp on the very forehead of the country? of allegiance and of the obligations it imposed.
But look at the further consequences, said he. To screen a criminal of any kind was partici-
Believe you that the enemy will not retaliate? pating in his crime, and becoming accessory after
That after you have committed this crime against the fact; but it had been the practice of all na-
human nature, she would not enter the Southern Lions to receive deserters from iheir enemies, and
department of your country, and kindle a fire to permit them to settle among them if they be-
which you could not quench? This she had not haved as good citizens ought to do. The nice
yet attempted, though she had the power. Be- principles of honor the gentlemen had laid down,
lieve you she would not capture your unoffending extended far enough, would impose on a nation
citizens on the ocean, and keep ihem as hostages the necessity of restoring to an enemy his desert-
till you delivered up those whom you had enticed ers, and enabling him to punish their offence
away? Yes, sir, she would not stay her arm. with death. If, however, as public law exists, we
Look at a further consequence of such a measure. may give them aid and comfort

, and afford them We are to selile these ragamuffins on our fron- an asylum, we may as well add to other inducetiers. Was there a man who believed that these ments as those which, the gentleman says, already men, who were picked from the jails of Europe, operate so powerfully on the soldiers of our enthese sixpenny men, would settle down as farm-emy. In so doing, the principle, which is not ers? No; they were men of dissolute lives, men controverted, is extended but litile further than at not acquainted with the useful arts. Mr. G. said present, and in its moral consequences is certainly be would not offer inducements to such poor pot so enlarged as to affect ihe national bonor. wretches to commit a crime, for which, if deiect. The force of the enemy's examples had been

SEPTEMBER, 1814.
Honor to the Brave.

H. OF R. passed over in silence by the gentleman, and their Burwell, Caldwell, Chappell, Clark, Comstock, Concorrectness tacitly admitted their authority be- dict, Conard, Crawford, Creighton, Crouch, Dana, ing denied only by the general intimation that Davis of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Desha, Eppes, such conduct was contrary to pational law. The Evans, Findley, Fisk of Vermont, Fisk of New York, proposed measure therefore derived strength from Forney, Forsyth, Franklin, Gholson, Glasgow, Good the preceding conduct of the enemy. But, ex

wyn, Gourdin, Griffin, Hall, Harris, Hawes, Hawkins, amine all history, ancient and modern, what had Hubbard, Humphreys, Ingersoll, Ingham, Irving, Irwin, been the usual course of all nation's at war? Jackson of Virginia, Johnson of Kentucky, Kent of To weaken the hands of their opponents and Maryland, Kerr, Kershaw, Lefferts, Lowndes, Lyle, strengthen the hands of themselves. Perhaps free, Newton, Pickens, Piper, Pleasants, Rea of Penn

McCoy, McKee, McKim, McLean, Montgomery, Murprecedents derived from the Revolutionary war sylvania, Rhea of Tennessee, Rich, Roane, Sage, Sevier, might not be considered by gentlemen as bearing Seybert, Sharp, Tannehill, Telfair, Troup, Udree, on this point, since Britain then claimed us as Ward of New Jersey, Wilson of Pennsylvania, and her colonies. ' Recollect, however, ber proclama- Yancey. tions inviting our citizens to withdraw from their

Nays-Messrs. Baylies of Massachusetts, Bayly of allegiance. Our history, it is true, is not ample, Virginia, Bigelow, Boyd, Bradbury, Bradley, Brigowing to the recency of its date. But it will be ham, Butler, Caperton, Champion, Cooper, Cox, Culo recollected that in the war with Tripoli, our gal, peper, Davenport, Duvall, Earle, Ely, Farrow, Gaston, lant officer conducting the war on the land united Geddes, Goldsborough, Grosvenor, Hanson, Hulbert, himself on that occasion with a pretender to the Jackson of Rhode Island, Kent of New York, King of

Tripolitan throne, and took advantage of his re- Massachusetts, King of North Carolina, Law, Lewis, bellion to divide the forces of the enemy. Who Lovett, Macon, Markell, Miller, Moffit, Moseley, Oakcensured that act? Who blamed Eaton for his con- ley, Pearson, Pickering, Post, John Reed, Ruggles, duct? Yet it was thus only the Dey was com- Sherwood, Skinner, Smith of Virginia, Stanford, Stockpelled to come to terms which he had before re- ton, Sturges, Thompson, Vose, Ward of Massachu. fused. This measure was clearly distinguishable setts, Wheaton, White, Wilcox, and Winter. from a bounty_for assassination, to which it had So it was adopted by the House. been likened. Employing persons secretly to killan enemy was a warfare worthy only of savages; it

HONOR TO THE BRAVE. was an unmanly way of getting rid of those whom Mr. Hawkins, of Kentucky, in introducing the an army dare not meet in a field of battle. But following motion, adverted to the unpropitious to withdraw soldiers from an enemy's standard events attending the commencement of the war, was not of this character, and was besides more the more mortifying because unexpected, which correct under present circumstances, inasmuch as had caused to be overlooked by the National Counthe enemy's army is not composed of soldiers of cils some displays of valor and military skill which his own country, but of soldiers from Germany deserved the notice of Congress. This omission and other countries-men who owe no national had been the more marked because of the almost allegiance to Britain, but are mere mercenaries unlimited plaudits during the same time bestowin her ranks—who fight for those who pay themed on the officers of the Navy, &c. Had the nabest. They are calculated to be the most dan- tion noticed by civil honors the merits of a Pike, gerous enemies, but are willing to desert their a Taylor, a Croghan, a Miller, and some others, leaders and join our standard on sufficient in- perhaps they would have done but sheer justice. ducements. If they employ men owing them no But bis object in rising now was to present a allegiance, have we not a right to withdraw them motion limited in its character, and confined to if we can, and employ them to strengthen our objects which must meet the approbation of the own frontier ? As to the objection ihat they House. The resolution he proposed, and which would not settle, that objection is refuted by the he had hoped some other member would before terms of the resolution, which require actual set- now have offered, was in the following words: tlement on the land. Let gentlemen acquainted Resolved, That the thanks of the United States, in with the Revolutionary war recollect how many Congress assembled, be presented to Generals Brown, of the good citizens of Pennsylvania and other Scott, and Gaines, and their companions in fame. States were deserters from the British ranks, Resolved, That General Brown be requested to Hessians, Germans, &c., and have become among communicate to the other officers and solders under our best and wealthiest and most useful citizens. his command the thanks of the United States in ConMr. S. concluded by observing that this was a gress, and the high sense of gratitude entertained for clear question of expediency, perfectly within victories so splendid, achieved in contests so unequal. the scope of our policy, not contrary to national Considerable desultory debate took place on honor, merited the attention of the House, and this motion, not in opposition to the principle, oughi to be referred as proposed to one of its com- but from difference of opinion as to the mode. millees.

Mr. Oakley moved to commit the same to the After rejecting a motion made by Mr. Brad- Committee of Military Affairs, with instructions LEY, of Vermont, to lay the motion on the table, to inquire into the expediency of returning the the question on its adoption was determined thanks of Congress to such other officers and sol. For the motion 80, against it 55, as follows: diers of the United States as may have distin

Year—Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Ar- guished themselves during the present war. cher, Avery, Barbour, Bard, Barnett, Bowen, Brown, A motion was made by Mr. SHARP, to amend

H. OF R.

Amendments to the Constitution.

SEPTEMBER, 1814.

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small]

the motion of Mr. OARLEY, by inserting, after all gentlemen of all parties that it is necessary to the word “Congress," the following: "with the convenience of our fiscal operations that there such other testimonials of the national approba- should be a National Bank. The only difficulty tion, as said committee shall deem advisable." opposed to the adoption of the proposition now

A motion was then made by Mr. Lowndes, to under consideration would be on the part of those postpone, until Monday next, the further consid- who believed that the power proposed to be eration of the resolutions; which was agreed to. vested, already resided in Congress, and who

might contend that the passage of such a motion

as this would by implication deny the present exTHURSDAY, September 29.

istence of the power. Mr. J. said that he did not Another member, to wit: from Virginia, John himself believe that any gentleman would be comCLOPTON, appeared, and took his seat.

promitted in this way by voting for this proposiThe Speaker laid before the House the copy tion; that it was best in all cases the least doubtful of a resolution, transmitted under cover to him of Constitutional construction to make assurance from Philadelphia, passed by the Select and Com- doubly sure. Many of the State Legislatures had mon Council of that city, offering to Congress declared their opinion that a law establishing a and Government the use of buildings in that city, National Bank would be an unauthorized act. It for their accommodation, provided it shall be would be better, to avoid all difficulties, to condeemed expedient, in consequence of inconve- sult their opinions, or, if you please, their prejunience experienced from the destruction of the dices, and receive at their hand, by liberal grant, Capitol, &c.—Referred to the committee already a power so essential to the well being of the raised on that subject.

country. Mr. LATTIMORE, of Massachusetts, from the Mr. McKee, of Kentucky, said as he could not select committee appointed on that subject, re- vote for the proposition, it was perhaps due to ported a bill further to extend the right of suf- himself, as well as the Committee, to state his frage in the Mississippi Territory, and to increase reasons for voting against it, and why he thought the number of members of the Legislative Coun. it ought not to be adopted. If it were to be cil for the same.-Twice read and committed. adopted and sent out to the States for concur

No other business being offered for considera- rence, would not the question of constitutionality, tion, and none of the committees being ready to be asked, be completely yielded on the part of report, the House adjourned.

those who voted for it? Whether, as such a vote
would be a disclaiming of the power by Congress,

reason and probability did not altogether forbid
Friday, September 30.

the expectation that the States would relinquish Several other members, to wit: from New this power to the General Government? A large Hampshire, BRADBURY CILLEY; from New Jer majority of the States already had a deep insey, JAMES SCHUREMAN; from Maryland, Nicho. terest in the banking establishments within their LAS R. MOORE ; appeared, and icok their seats. respective jurisdictions; and, so far as the paper

The SPEAKER presented a petition of the Le- and business of a National Bank extended, it must gislature of the Indiana Territory, praying that so far deteriorate the State bank stocks, and curcertain companies of militia, called out for the tail the revenues therefrom on which some of the defence of ibat Territory, may be paid by the States entirely rely for the support of their gov, United States.-Referred to the Secretary of ernments. Besides this, the interest of the local War.

banks extended through all the ramifications of AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION.

society. Almost every individual in every Legis

lature was in some degree interested in the sucThe House, pursuant to the order of the day, cess and prosperity of the State banks, and would resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, be interested to refuse to grant the power if it on the proposition of Mr. Jackson, of Virginia, was once yielded by the House. The question to amend the Constitution. That part of the mo. presented in this form appears to propose a retion was taken up which goes to provide linquishment of power, and will afford an oppor

“That Congress shall have power to establish a Na- tunity on which the States will gladly seize to tional Bank, with branches thereof in any State.” withhold from Congress the right of exercising

Mr. Jackson said he did not intend to repeat this power. He did not believe that the question the remarks which he had made when this sub- of renewal of the charter of the old United States ject was last year before the Congress, or to say Bank at all decided the question of the Constituanything in anticipation of the remarks wbich tional power of Congress. The history of that might be made for or against this proposition. bank, as found on the Jourpals of Congress, was The utility of a National Bank had been demon- this : that Congress, in 1791, by a very large mastrated by every day's experience. We know at jority of both branches, passed a law establishing this day, said he, that some State banks wbicha bank, which was sanctioned by President Washhave stopped payment have not only refused to Ington, and went into operation; that it afterreceive the noies of those which continue to cash wards received the sanction of Congress under their notes, but have forced their holders to sell the Administration of Mr. Jefferson, by the pasthem at ten per cent. discount in the brokers' sage of laws establishing branches of it

, and for shops. Independent of this fact, it was held by the punishment of those who counterfeited its

« ПретходнаНастави »