Mr. BRADLEY, of Vermont, opposed the tax on furniture, principally on account of its difficulty, if not impracticability, of collection, as opening the door to fraud, perjury. and favoritism. Mr. OAKLEY, of New York, on the same side of the question, said he was opposed in principle to the tax, which he believed would not produce anything like the estimated amount. He wished to dispense with this tax, and add the amount of it to the direct tax, or lay it on other articles. H. of R. The House decided on this question without debate: For the resolution 66, against it 40. The Committee then reported the several resolutions as agreed to, with the amendments made thereto. The resolution for increasing the direct tax came up for concurrence. The resolution, as reported by the Committee of the Whole, proposes to add 100 per cent. to the present amount of the direct tax. Mr. OAKLEY moved to amend the resolve, by dred, so as to make the present amount of that tax 150 per cent.; in other words, to lay a direct tax for the ensuing year of seven and a half millions. This motion was negatived: For the motion 20, against it 116, as follows: Mr. EPPES rose to defend this tax. He had no idea, when the United States had for years col-inserting one hundred and fifty in lieu of one hunlected a revenue from imports of twenty millions of dollars, on the oaths of the merchants, that they could not collect a tax of a million of dollars from property to be valued on the oaths of the possessors. As to the tax discouraging matrimony, and consequently population, he denied this operation to it; because beds, blankets, sheets, and every article essential to these objects, were exempted from taxation. He denied the inequality and oppressiveness of the tax. Its novelty was an objection, which would equally apply to various others, all internal taxes being new to the Government. It was a tax the rich would pay, and the poor be exempt from; and, therefore, he was in favor of it. Mr. PosT stated that, in collecting the duties on imports, there was a collateral examination of goods entered to verify the statement made on oath; so that the gentleman was mistaken in likening the mode of collection proposed to that existing in relation to import duties. Mr. P. again insisted on the propriety of laying the whole amount of tax on the direct and distillation tax. Mr. GASTON, of North Carolina, spoke a few words in explanation, and Mr. EPPES replied. The House then decided on Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH's motion, as follows: For the motion 51, against it 69. So the Committee determined to retain the tax proposed to be laid ou furniture. Mr. OAKLEY moved to strike out the duty on tallow candles in the hands of the manufacturer. He conceived the tax would be rendered nugatory by the increase of domestic manufacture, and the very poorest people only, those who are unable to purchase materials for making candles, will pay the tax. The motion was negatived-40 only rising in favor of it, 66 against it. Mr. BIGELOW, of Massachusetts, moved to strike out the article of leather. His objection was that leather was an article of first necessity, of which the poor consumed nearly as much as the rich, and which, therefore, ought not to be taxed. The motion was negatived-30 only rising in favor of it. The question on the resolution, as amended, was then decided in the affirmative. YEAS-Messrs. Chappell, Cilley, Dana, Fisk of New York, Grosvenor, Hanson, Hawkins, Hopkins of Kentucky, Ingersoll, Irving, Jackson of Rhode Island, Oakley, Post, Potter, Rich, Seybert, Sherwood, Skinner, Taylor, and Thompson. NAIS-Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Avery, Barbour, Bard, Baylies of Massachusetts, Bayly of Virginia, Bigelow, Bowen, Bradbury, Bradley, Brigham, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Caperton, Caldwell, Calhoun, Cannon, Champion, Clark, Condict, Conard, Crawford, Creighton, Crouch, Culpeper, Cuthbert, Earle, Eppes, Farrow, Forney, Forsyth, Franklin, GasDavenport, Davis of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Desha, ton, Geddes, Gholson, Goldsborough, Goodwyn, Griffin, Hale, Hall, Harris, Hasbrouck, Hawes, Hubbard, Humphreys, Hungerford, Hulbert, Ingham, Jackson of Virginia, Johnson of Virginia, Johnson of Kentucky, Kennedy, Kent of New York, Kent of Maryland, Kerr, Kershaw, Kilbourn, King of Massachusetts, King of North Carolina, Law, Lefferts, Lovett, Lowndes, Lyle, Macon, Markell, McCoy, McKee, McLean, Moffit, Montgomery, Moore, Moseley, Newton, Ormsby, Pearson, Pickering, Pickens, Piper, Pitkin, Pleasants, John Reed, William Reed, Rhea of Tennessee, Ringgold, Robertson, Ruggles, Sage, Schureman, Sharp, Shipherd, Smith of New York, Smith of Virginia, Strong, Sturges, Tannehill, Telfair, Udree, Vose, Ward of Wilson of Massachusetts, Wilson of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Webster, Wheaton, White, Wilcox, Winter, Wright, and Yancey. So Mr. OAKLEY's motion was lost. On the question to concur with the Committee in amending the resolution, so as to increase the direct tax 100 per cent. on its present amount, making the total direct tax to be raised six millions of dollars Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH, of Maryland, opposed the tax, on the ground that the country was not adequate to pay it without oppression, if not absolute destruction. The question on inserting 100 per cent. in lieu of 50, was decided as follows: For the amendment 100, against it 38, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Ave The next and last resolution was in the follow-ry, Barbour, Bard, Barnett, Bayly of Virginia, Bowen, ing words: "Resolved, That it is expedient to establish a National Bank, with branches in the several States." Bradley, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Caldwell, Calhoun, row, Fisk of Vermont, Fisk of New York, Forsyth, OCTOBER, 1814. of the last. And it must be presumed, that gentlemen are ready and willing to sustain the consequences of their own measures. Whoever has power to grant revenue, has also the power of directing its expenditure; and if the question of supplies or no supplies, should ever come to rest on the decision of those who have heretofore differed in opinion from the course pursued by the Administration, they then will be able to accompany the supplies with such other measures as shall insure the appropriation of the revenue to proper objects, and place its expenditure in competent hands. But if we were now to say, we will vote for the taxes, if the Administration will apply the means which we shall grant it, to proper and sensible objects, and will call to its aid, in this exigency of affairs, the most prominent men in the nation, without regard to political party or connexion, we should be told "Gentlemen, you are very obliging, but we happen to be able to carry through our taxes upon our own strength. 6 We do not choose to submit to such terms and 'limitations as you propose, and must beg leave, therefore, to dispense both with your conditions The question then being on agreeing to the resolution as amended, going to increase the pres-and your votes." ent direct tax, as before stated, and the yeas and nays having been demanded thereon Mr. WEBSTER, of New Hampshire, said, the proposition was to grant a new land tax, of twice the amount of the last. Before he gave his vote, he wished to be permitted to state the reasons which would govern and decide it. It had often happened that public bodies, or the majorities in public bodies, having the general power of adopting laws and resolutions binding on and controlling the whole, had supposed themselves capable of reducing dissenting members to a situation, in which any course of conduct pursued by them might be liable to unfavorable construction. But cases of this sort, attended with real difficulty, he thought to be rare. At any rate, the present occasion presented no such difficulty. If, he said, the taxes depended on his vote; if the Administration could show it had made fair and reasonable offers for peace, which the enemy had refused; if it would now consent to apply its means to the first great object of all Governments, the protection of the people, to carry on the war in a manner agreeable to the common sense of the community, and would endeavour to call forth the talents of the nation to aid the cause of the nation, most assuredly he should vote for whatever supplies the occasion called for. He should only be anxious in such a case to grant enough; because he did not represent those who would weigh, very scrupulously, essential national rights and national security against the price necessary for their preservation. But as no such change of system is intimated, and as the system of taxation He did not feel himself under the necessity, now proposed does not depend at all for adoption either of obstructing the passage of the taxes or rejection on his vote, he should hardly give through the House, or of taking upon himself any what might be deemed a sanction to the measures portion of the responsibility of laying them. A of Government, by a general and voluntary supcase might arise, in which it would rest with those port of its present plans of finance. At the same who have been in the minority of the House, on time he did not see that other gentlemen, equally leading measures of Government, to say whe- opposed to the war with himself, and expecting as ther the supplies should be granted or withheld. little as he did any successful issue to it, without Whenever such a condition of things shall hap- a change, might not, nevertheless, deem the present pen, it will bring its own rule of action along with exigency to be one, in which they were at liberty, it. At present, no such case exists. It is not if they so should choose, to vote for revenue, withput to us who opposed the war in its origin, and out making themselves in any degree answerable have steadily reprobated the manner in which it for its probable misapplication. The whole rehas been prosecuted, to say now, whether a bur-sponsibility, he thought, belonged to the other densome system of taxes shall be imposed on the people to replenish the exhausted Treasury. That is for those to determine, who have made the taxes necessary. Our votes are not asked for now, any more than they were upon the declaration of hostilities. It was not then left for us to say, whether there should be war. It is not left with us now to say, whether there shall be taxes. Those who took upon themselves the responsibility of the first, must bear also the responsibility side of the House. They had undertaken both to put the country into a state of war, and to get it well out again. In the former, they had succeeded; how well they will be able to perform the latter, time would show. If it was said, continued Mr. W., that, public credit depends on adopting this system of taxes, and that it cannot be refused without refusing the means of restoring public credit, he certainly hoped that gentlemen would adopt that system of finance which suited them best, as well for the restoration of the public credit, as for other purposes of Government. He did not wish to limit their choice. He only disclaimed any share in the responsibility of measures, in the production of which those whose political opinions he respected had no concern. A high public credit was one of the treasures which the country had committed to the hands of the present Administration. How they are to restore it, buried as it now is under a mass of depreciated stocks, unfilled loans, discredited Treasury notes, debts unpaid and debts unliquidated, they must determine for themselves, looking to that account to which the country may call them. It was worth our while to inquire, how it has happened that public credit has received such a tremendous shock. Whose is the fault? When those measures were begun, which have at length brought us where we now are, the public credit of the United States was as high as that of any nation on earth. To whom are imputable the shame and disgrace of its prostration and fall? To what is it owing? Not to any deficiency in the national resources to sustain the credit of the Government. Both the Secretary of the Treasury and the Committee of Ways and Means tell us, and they tell us truly, that the real means of the nation have been abundant. If then, the Administration received the public credit in a high and honorable condition; if the nation has at all times possessed the means of keeping it so, and the Administration has possessed, as it has, a sufficient control of these means; and if after all, the public credit has gone to fearful wreck and ruin, who alone is answerable for such a state of things? or who can refer our present condition to any other cause than an incompetent management of the powers of Government? The basis of public credit is confidence in the national resources, in the duration and stability of Government, and in the competency and character of those who administer it. It is owing to no distrust of the resources of the nation, nor of the general organization and structure of the Government, that the public credit had sunk so low. The true cause of this was to be sought elsewhere. No system of taxation, merely as such, will prove an adequate remedy, especially at this late hour. Unless the Administration can court back a general confidence, not only in the wealth of the nation, but also in its own ability and the wisdom and fitness of its own measures, public credit has gone far beyond its grasp. As to a more able or successful prosecution of the war, he professed not to be sanguine in that hope. That the people will defend themselves, with spirit, whenever attacked, admits no doubt; but as far as the prosecution of the war rests with the Government, he despaired of any change in the manner, or any difference in the result. The Administration appeared to him not to have changed its habits. It continued to go on in its old party path to revolve round its party centre, and to draw all its heat and its light, its animation and its being, from party sources. The measure H. of R. of ability with which the war had been conducted, was about equal to the measure of prudence with which it was declared; and the success of the issue, without a change of auspices, would proba bly be proportionate to both. He had been struck with a paragragh in Mr. Jefferson's late letter. Speaking of the invasion of this place by the enemy, he says, he took advantage of this nation unarmed and unprepared. For the partial judgment of a friend, this is sufficiently severe. The Government took its own time to go to war. It invited the enemy to the conflict. It is attacked, two years afterward, in the centre of the nation, on the very threshold of the Capitol, and even there is found unarmed and unprepared. The Government was indeed unprepared when it went to war. It has been unprepared ever since; and if the contest should not last more than twice as long as the war of the Greeks and the Trojans, it will come to an end, before the country, upon the present system of things, will be prepared for its beginning. A state of mere unpreparedness, however, was not exactly the whole of our case, when war was declared. There was something in it worse than that, even aside from the character of the war itself, and the opinion which one half the nation had of it. The country had had commerce, the abundant source of its revenue. A barbarous and unrelenting series of acts of self-murder, called restrictions, had put an end to that commerce. It had had a sinking fund, containing the sustaining, redeeming principles of public credit. This was abandoned. It had an useful National Banking Institution, with solid capital and on sound principles; and which had proved itself, by twenty years experience, to be capable of offering the most important facilities to the operations of finance. This also was destroyed. Having made these provisions for revenue, for public credit, and financial operations, the Government felt itself in a condition to invite a war. From such a beginning, what else could be expected than we have seen to happen? While it remained on our part a war of invasion, nothing was done; and now, when in turn we are attacked by the enemy, the defence of the country rests on the people and on the States, almost unassisted by the aid of Government. In what quarter of the country does the Government afford efficient protection to the people? In most assailable places, the States are obliged to call out their militia upon their own responsibility, and the strength of their own resources; and here, at the heart of the nation, a force of five thousand men has routed and dispersed the Government, and scattered the ashes of the Capitol over the soil which claimed its peculiar and exclusive protection. He had said last session, and he repeated it now, that the Government had failed in the discharge of its first great duty-the main object of all Governments-the protection of the people. He wished also the House and the country to consider how we stood with all the neutral Pow H. of R. The Ways and Means. OCTOBER, 1814. the Government of this country had or had not given up the grounds upon which it originally went to war. If the British Commissioners looked for extravagant terms to be proposed by ours, it was not very unnatural that they should set out with terms as extravagant themselves. It is to be lamented, that having found out what were the terms of England, our Ministers did not propose their own terms, to the end that the world might see the difference. It may be a question fit for casuists, which partakes least of a pacific temper and moderate views, to propose terms of peace, which are deemed inadmissible, as was done by England, or to propose no terms at all, as was done by ourselves. If the American Ministers were instructed to make peace on fair and reasonable terms, it cannot be too much regretted that they did not make those terms known; because, in order to put the enemy completely in the wrong, it is necessary to show, not only that his terms were extravagant, but that ours were not so. ers of Europe in relation to this war. It had by different hands. He wished, at the same time, been said by his honorable friend from New to express his regret, that the American ComYork (Mr. OAKLEY) that the ears of the Euro-missioners had not proposed their terms of peace. pean Courts were shut against us. He believed He wished they had stated explicitly, whether this to be perfectly true. The Administration itself knew better than any individual that it had not been able to excite the sympathies of a single Power in Europe, in its favor, on the subject of this war. The reason was obvious. The nations of Europe had seen the part this Government had acted. They had seen it come in, in the moment of European extremity and agony, and take part on the side of an always detested and now fallen tyranny. Without discussing the question, of no importance to them, whether the measures of this Government grew out of a previous stipulation, signed and sealed, and interchanged with that of France, or whether in these measures it had acted gratuitously, and only followed the bent of its own inclination, they could not but take notice of the fact, that these measures were brought into play precisely at the moment when they were most likely to aid in the overthrow of the Governments, and the subjugation of the nations of Europe. It was difficult, he thought, to restrain one's indignation on this subject. If anything could make The publication of the documents here is relied one ashamed of his country, it would be that its on to satisfy the people of this country of the Government had been capable of acting such a equity and moderation of the views of the Cabpart. How different would our situation be at inet. If it should answer that purpose, still it this time. if the Government could say to Eng- does not answer the other, of making known its land: "We have interfered in none of your Eu-equity and moderation to England. Because, ropean quarrels. We have sought to take no advantage of the pressure of your circumstances. A Republic, ourselves, and attached to the principles of political liberty, we have lent neither aid nor countenance to any projects formed against the general liberty or prosperity of Eu rope. We have held a course strictly and scrupulously impartial; and for proof of the correct ness of our conduct in all these respects, we refer to the unbiassed judgment of neutral nations. We appeal to those who have been with you through the struggle which has now terminated, whether they suspect us of having had any leaning or partiality towards your "common enemy." As to the negotiation and the terms of peace offered by England, Mr. W. said it would not be supposed that those who opposed the war as unnecessary and ruinous, were on that account to consent to any other than fair and honorable terms of peace. They held the Administration answerable for an honorable peace. The country's honor was unblemished, when they took the guardianship of its concerns, and it would be required at their hands equally unblemished. For one, he said, in no crisis, in no emergency, in no distress of national affairs, would he consent to a peace which should inflict a wound on the true honor or substantial interests of the country. But he did not affect to conceal his opinion; he wished, rather, on all proper occasions, to express it, that there was no chance of coercing England, or even of defending the country successfully, until the power and strength of the nation should be called forth, and guided until now, that they are published here, England had no means of knowing the instructions given to our Ministers. She could only know that if you insisted now, on what you demanded when you went to war, your terms, in her estimation, were as inadmissible as hers are in yours. But will the publication of parts of these instructions satisfy the people of this country that the Government has made fair terms of peace? If anything was published, why not the whole? If the part concealed is not material, why conceal it? In cases of this sort, it is obvious, that whatever has been previously done, may be undone by something subsequent. It is not like a series of correspondence between different parties. Unless the Government publishes the whole in this case it may as well publish nothing. Mr. W. said he did not underrate the difficulties of the present crisis. He was well aware of all these difficulties. But he would not say, because he did not think that they were at all insurmountable with a wise and able Administration of Government. But it did appear to him, that the country had committed itself into the hands of men not likely to make peace, nor competent to conduct the war. This, he thought, our greatest difficulty, and he believed the nation would come to the same opinion. In the meantime he should not obstruct; he should only hold himself at liberty not to approve, without reason, the course pursued. It could not be said, then, that the Administration was asked to do its duty while the means are refused; means will not be refused so far as they OCTOBER, 1814. The Ways and Means. H. of R. depend on measures here. Its measures will be carried here, and as far as the aid of this House can go, it will have it. But he should not give his vote for the measures proposed, either by way of expressing his approbation of the past, or his expectations for the future. On the past he looked with mixed emotions of indignation and grief; on the future with fearful forebodings and appre-order that we may be in a state of desirable hensions, relieved only by the hope that the immediate adoption of better counsels might lead to better times. When Mr. W. had concluded, the House adjourned. us if possible by one mighty effort. To meet this state of things, the whole of the resources will have to be called into action; and, what is of equal importance, with such promptitude as to be ready to act as soon as the season will admit. What then are the duties which devolve on this House, and which must be performed in preparation to meet and maintain the struggle? This is the question which he proposed to consider, not indeed in detail, or with great accuracy, but generally, in order that we may be aware of the urgent necessity for despatch. First, then, it will be absolutely necessary to pass these resolutions, or some others of equal vigor, into laws. The House proceeded to consider the message Our finances it is acknowledged are much defrom the Senate, notifying that they insist on their ranged; and it is also admitted, on all sides, that amendments to the resolutions expressive of the they can only be restored by a vigorous system sense of Congress of the gallantry and good conof taxes. Has any member estimated how much duct with which the reputation of the arms of the time this will consume. It is now the 25th of United States has been sustained by Major Gene-October, and we have not passed even the resoral Brown, Major General Scott, and Brigadiers Ripley, Miller, Porter, Gaines, and Macomb," and asking a conference thereon: Whereupon, TUESDAY, October 25. Resolved, That this House agree to the conference asked by the Senate, and that Mr. TROUP, Mr. WRIGHT, and Mr. STUART, be the managers at the same on their part. WAYS AND MEANS. lutions; at the same rate of proceeding, to settle all the complexity of the detail of bills, and pass them into laws, will require months. In the next place, it will be necessary (he presumed no member could doubt it) to take the state of the circu lating medium into consideration; and to devise some measure to render it more safe, and adapted to the purposes of finance. The single fact, that we have no proper medium, commensurate in its The House resumed the consideration of the circulation with the Union-that it is all local-is unfinished business, being the report of the Com-calculated to produce much embarrassment in mittee of Ways and Means recommending the the operation of the Treasury. But, sir, after we imposition of additional taxes; and the first reso-have passed the taxes and established an adequate lution, for adding 100 per cent. to the present circulating medium, which must of necessity, amount of the direct taxes, being on its passage-with the closest attention, consume much time, Mr. RHEA, of Tennessee, spoke at length in support of the resolve, and in reply to Mr. WEBSTER'S speech of yesterday. Mr. CALHOUN said, he did not rise to consider whether the war was originally just and necessary; or whether the Administration had abandoned the original objects of the contest; much less, whether the Opposition, according to the very modest declaration of the member from New Hampshire, (Mr. WEBSTER.) possessed all of the talent and confidence of the country. His object was to call the attention of this House to the necessity of prompt and vigorous measures for the prosecution of the war. If ever a body of men held the destinies of a country in their hands, it was that which he was now addressing. You have for an enemy a Power the most implacable and formidable; who, now freed from any other contest, will, the very next campaign, direct the whole of his force against you. Besides his deep rooted enmity against this country, which will urge him to exertion, the enemy is aware of the necessity, on his part, to bring the contest to a speedy termination. He dreads its continuance; for he well knows, that should it be maintained by us with vigor, for only a few years, there will be other parties to the struggle, which may again involve him in a war with all Europe. He then will put forth, from spite and policy, the whole of his strength the very next Summer, to crush much still will remain to be done. The Army, to which the President has so strongly called our attention, has not yet claimed a moment of our time. He would not pretend to anticipate the plan which the Military Committee would doubtless submit to this House, but he would state what appeared to him indispensable to give the greatest effect, with the most economy, to our arms. He did not wish to be understood parsimony, but that which gave to the amount expended the greatest effect. The enemy at present presses the war both on our seaboard and interior frontier. The nature of the war on either, will, if properly considered, indicate the mode, that it ought to be met and resisted. On the seaboard it must be strictly defensive. The enemy can make no permanent conquest of any importance there; but he hopes, by alarming and harassing the country, and putting us to an enormous expense in defending it, to break the spirit of the nation, and bring it to his own terms. The only remedy in our hand, without a marching force, is to fortify as strongly as possible the cities and exposed points, and to garrison them with a sufficient number of experienced regular troops. In case of an attack, they are to be aided by militia of the cities and adjacent country, called out on the occasion en masse which can be done without much vexation or expense. It is thus by having respecta |