SENATE.

Militia of the United States.

NOVEMBER, 1814.

trol of them, it would be highly inexpedient to resort to such a measure. It is forbidden by all the considerations which have subjected the improvidence of youth to the guide and direction of age and experience. If minors are wanted for the Army, why not address yourself to their parents and guardians? They surely can best judge whether it is suitable and proper for their children and wards to enlist. If there should be no reasonable objections, it must be presumed, they would consent. You will, then, without consent, obtain those only whom you ought not to obtain. It is to be hoped the number will not be great. This measure will tend to weaken the sacred re-cretion to the most unprincipled and profligate lation between parents and children, and to lessen the power for the discipline and education of youth, the best and safest foundation of all Governments. It is a direct invitation for rebellion against parental authority.

Our infant manufactures, still requiring the fostering aid of Government, and which, in the Northern and Eastern States, are in a considera- | ble degree carried on by the labor of apprentices, will be greatly injured. Without instructing children in manufactures, a sufficient supply of laborers can never be expected. The labor of a skilful mechanic in the line of his business is more important to the community than his services can be in the Army.

All these objects will be injured in proportion as this attempt is attended with success. And after all the exertions which can be made, it is not probable any great number of recruits can, in this way, be provided. Can a wise Government hazard such valuable interests for the sake of a miserable project of enlisting unwary youth into the Army?

ment.

a regiment of London apprentices. Has the honorable gentleman forgotten the artful address, used by that hypocritical tyrant, to entice into his army the youth of the country; and then to insinuate himself, by all methods in his power, into their confidence and affections? The same troops who put down the royal power accompanied their ambitious leader to the House of Parliament, and drove from their seats the very men who had raised him to power. They enabled Cromwell to establish a tyranny so odious and oppressive, that the English nation to avoid it, in a short time, surrendered themselves at dismonarch that ever sat on their throne, and under him patiently bore injuries more grievous than those for which they had brought his father to the block. The people of this country are not more strongly attached to liberty than the English were at the time of Cromwell. The army now recommended will be in number three-fold what he ever possessed. We also may hereafter find a Cromwell in some military demagogue who is now flattering the people with professions of affection and devotion to their cause.

After painting, in strong colors, the distress and danger of the nation, the honorable gentleman has said that strong and energetic measures are necessary to preserve it from ruin; and that light objections ought not to be made. It seems to be supposed that those who shall oppose measures, declared to be brought forward for that purpose, will have the appearance of opposing the necessary defence of the country. But, however unpopular that course may be, it is surely our duty to examine the character and tendency of a measure before we assent to it. In my opinion, The circumstances of the country being such what have been called the strong and energetic as to render a standing army of considerable mag- measures of the Government, have caused our nitude necessary, I do not wish to excite any present distress, and nothing but a change can unreasonable jealousy against such an establish- give relief. The various acts composing the sysThe plan of the Secretary of War con- tem of commercial restrictions, and also the detemplates an army of more than one hundred claration of war, were, in their respective periods, and forty thousand men, at the disposal of Gov- demoninated strong and energetic measures. All ernment. It may be worthy of consideration objections against them were deemed light and whether such an army, in certain events, which trivial. Is there an honest man in the nation may occur, instead of defending, may not endan- who does not now lament that those objections ger the liberties of the country. On one occasion, were not heard with proper attention? All the at least, it required all the influence and address disastrous consequences which have ensued were of their great and good commander to restrain, then foretold. What was then prophecy is now within the bounds of their duty, the army of the history. To the ill-judged measures of GovernRevolution; than which there is no reason to hope ment may be traced all our misfortunes. They the present will be more patriotic. Surely, it is arose from a war unnecessarily waged, and badly not to be desired that an unusual proportion of conducted; and have been increased by a profuse young men, of such early years as not to have waste of the treasure, and by a destruction of the become acquainted with the relations and duties credit of the nation. Whether the war was deof civil life, should be drawn into the Army.clared through an erroneous estimation of injuries, Persons educated from childhood in a camp become soldiers of fortune, indifferent in what cause they employ their arms. From a numerous and veteran army danger is mostly to be apprehended, when the civil power rests in feeble hands.

suffered from a foreign nation, or for the purpose of gratifying a lust for power and patronage, makes little difference to the country. The Administration and their friends are united in opinion that the terms of peace which they have The honorable gentleman (Mr. GILES) has re-offered to the enemy, provide sufficiently for both lated, that Oliver Cromwell, in the war between the King and Parliament of England, defeated the royalists at the battle of Naseby, by means of

the honor and safety of the country. By these terms the pretended causes of the war are abandoned. If, then, without obtaining satisfaction

NOVEMBER, 1814.

Militia of the United States.

SENATE.

cast in New England; but now, though proposed on the most favorable terms, the Government will not permit a gun to be made for their use in that section of the Union. Peculation and profusion almost universally prevail, to such an extent as could not be borne by any nation. If a remedy be not soon applied, the resources of the country will be entirely exhausted. Without means of subsistence, armies are worse than useless; they become dangerous.

The military force of the country has been no better employed than its pecuniary means.

for the past, or security for the future, we can honorably and safely return to a state of peace, we surely might, with equal honor and safety, have remained in that condition. Whatever, therefore, were the injuries suffered from Great Britain, (and I have never deemed them inconsiderable,) it was unnecessary and unwise to declare war. Should a nation, extensively connected in intercourse with others, make every injury sustained a cause of war, it would never be at peace. The inquiry ought to have been, whether the injuries were of such a nature as could not, without loss of honor, be borne, and The gallantry and good conduct of the Navy, whether we had the means of obtaining redress and, in several instances, also of the Army, have by war. The Government has shown no more merited and received the warmest approbation of wisdom or prudence in conducting the war, than the nation. Of this, however, the Executive in declaring it. In modern times, the strength Government is entitled to no share. In awarding of a nation for carrying on war essentially con- the meed of praise for the important victories in sists in its revenue. An empty treasury, the con- the naval battles on the Lakes, Erie and Chamsequence of waste and mismanagement, and the plain, truth compelled you to declare, that they total loss of public credit are the immediate were, in both instances, gained over a superior causes of the present distress. When the Gov- hostile force. The Government merits censure, ernment passed into the bands of the party now instead of praise, for exposing to such imminent in power, the nation enjoyed peace and prosper- hazard the great interest staked on the issue of ity, an extensive commerce, and ample revenues. those battles. On Lake Ontario, also, the enemy After having procured the repeal of the former has been permitted to gain a decided superiority internal taxes, so abundant was the income from of force. The fleet, built and equipped there at commerce alone, that in his last annual Message great expense, has become useless. Instead of to Congress Mr. Jefferson gravely recommended protecting our own shores from the attacks of the to their consideration the obtaining, by amend- enemy, a large land force is now employed in ments of the Constitution, more enlarged powers defending the fleet from threatened destruction. and other objects, to enable the Government to The ships of war on the waters of the Atlantic expend the surplus of the revenue. All the causes, are mostly laid up in the various harbors, and deas far as they depended on foreign nations, which fended by bodies of militia at enormous expense. have led to our present condition then existed. Ample appropriations were last year made, not At the commencement of the war the Adminis- only for all the vessels then in commission, but tration proposed their plans of increased revenue also for putting into service two new seventyto meet the increased expenditures. Their sys- four gun ships and three frigates. These approtem was adopted by the Legislature in its full ex-priations have been disregarded. The naval sertent. Thus far, everything demanded has been vice on the Atlantic, and also the defence of the granted. What, then, but gross mismanagement seaboard seem to be abandoned. The enemy has and waste can have produced the present deplor- occupied more than a hundred miles of the eastable condition of the finances? In the war of ern seacoast of the State of Massachusetts, inthe Revolution, without the power of levying cluding one of the best harbors and naval stations taxes, or in any way commanding the resources in the United States, all which was defended by of the nation, the Government was able to obtain less than one hundred troops. Of so little imloans in foreign countries. Now, though possess-portance has this appeared to the Government, ing all the resources necessary for sustaining credit, Government can obtain loans neither at home nor abroad. Economy and good management then gained and established that confidence which waste and profusion have now destroyed. The debt already contracted in this war will be found to be double in amount to the whole debt of the United States at the end of the Revolutionary war. Instances of the grossest profusion are constantly occurring in every department. The cannon designed for the two seventy-four gun ships, and which have been for a long time wanted, are yet to be transported by land from Washington, more than five hundred miles. The mere expense of transportation far exceeds the sum for which they might be made in the vicinity and delivered at the places where wanted. In the war of the Revolution, and also in that of 1798 with France, cannon in abundance were

that the President, whose duty it is to lay before the Legislature information of the state of the Union, omitted even to mention it in his Message at the opening of the session. Not a movement has been made to regain that valuable territory; but the enemy is left to fortify and secure it at his leisure.

The military force, instead of defending the country, has been employed in the idle and fruitless attempt to conquer the provinces of Canada. With their whole power bent to that object, during three campaigns, the Government have lost their two principal fortresses, Niagara and Michilimackinac, and gained nothing. Still, this wild project is to be pursued. The Secretary of War, in his report, announces the intention of the Administration, with a hundred thousand regular troops, "to touch the feelings and excite the apprehensions of the British Government by

NOVEMBER, 1814.

Militia of the United States.

armies or militia in the service of the United States, and the number loaned or sold to the States and Territories respectively.

MILITIA OF THE UNITED STATES. The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the bill to authorize the President of the United States to call upon the several States and Territories thereof for their respective quotas of thousand militia, for the defence of the frontiers of the United States. On motion, by Mr. ANDERSON, to strike out the seventh section of the bill, as follows:

SEC. 7. And be it further enacted, That the militia, while employed in the service of the United States in virtue of this act, shall not be compelled to serve beyond the limits of the United States, nor beyond the limits of the State or Territory furnishing the same, and the limits of an adjoining State or Territory; except that the militia from Kentucky and Tennessee may be required to serve in the defence and for the protection of Louisiana."

It was determined in the negative-yeas 6, nays 25, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Bledsoe, Dana, Hunter, Varnum, and Walker.

NAYS-Messrs. Bibb, Brent, Brown, Chace, Condit, Daggett, Fromentin, Gaillard, German, Giles, Goldsborough, Gore, Horsey, King, Lacock, Lambert, Morrow, Roberts, Robinson, Smith, Taylor, Thompson, Turner, Wharton, and Worthington.

On motion, by Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH, to strike out the ninth section of the bill, as follows:

SENATE.

And the President reported the bill to the Senate amended.

On motion, by Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH, to add a new section to the bill, as follows:

"SEC. 11. And be it further enacted, That the recruits raised by the classes as aforesaid, shall be substituted for, and employed in the service intended to act to be furnished by the several classes.” be performed by, the militiamen contemplated by this

It was determined in the negative-yeas 11, nays 21, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Daggett, Dana, German, Goldsborough, Gore, Horsey, Hunter, King, Lambert, Mason, and Thompson.

NAYS. Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Bledsoe, Brent, Brown, Chace, Fromentin, Gaillard, Giles, Lacock, Morrow, Roberts, Robinson, Smith, Tait, Taylor, Turner, Varnum, Walker, Wharton, and Worthington.

On the question, Shall this bill be engrossed and read a third time as amended? it was determined in the affirmative.

MONDAY, November 21.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the motions made the 19th instant, by Mr. HORSEY, which were amended and agreed to, as follows:

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate a statement of the amount of expenditures on account of the national armories, and the number of arms made and repaired at each of the said armories since the 2d day of April 1794.

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate a statement of the number of arms and

account of, the United States, in virtue of the act of April 23, 1808: as, also, of the number transmitted to each State and Territory, for arming the whole body of the militia; together with a statement of the expenditures on account of the said arms and equipments.

SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That, after the classification of the militia as aforesaid, any three classes within any State or Territory which shall furnish, according to law, two effective able-bodied recruits, to serve in the Army of the United States, dur-equipments purchased or manufactured by, or on ing the war, shall thereafter be exempt from the militia service required by this act; and, to aid them in this respect, such recruits shall be entitled, respectively, to receive the bounty in money and land, according to the provisions of the act, entitled 'An act -, which is allowed to other recruits respectively, for the Army of the United States; and in all cases where recruits Resolved, That the President of the United shall be furnished as aforesaid, the same shall be deliv- States be requested to cause to be laid before the ered to some recruiting officer in the service of the Senate a statement exhibiting the whole number United States, who shall immediately give his receipt of arms belonging to the United States, distintherefor on account of the classes furnishing them, guishing what are fit from what are unfit for imand shall forthwith report the same to the Department mediate use; as, also, showing the number disof War, specifying in such report the names and de-tributed for the use of the armies or militia in the scription of such recruits respectively, and the description of the classes of the militia furnishing the same; whereupon, it shall be the duty of the Secretary for the Department of War to grant, without delay, to such classes, a certificate of exemption from the militia service required by this act; which certificate shall, to all intents and purposes, be good and available to them for their absolute exemption therefrom."

It was determined in the negative-yeas 11, nays 19, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Daggett, Dana, Goldsborough, Gore, Horsey, Hunter, King, Lambert, Mason, Thompson, and Varnum.

NAYS-Messrs, Bibb, Bledsoe, Brent, Brown, Chace, Condit, Fromentin, German, Giles, Lacock, Morrow, Roberts, Smith, Tait, Taylor, Turner, Walker, Wharton, and Worthington.

service of the United States, other than those distributed under the act of 23d April, 1808, and the number loaned or sold to the States and Territories respectively.

The bill to authorize the President of the United States to call upon the several States and Territories thereof for their respective quotas of

thousand militia for the defence of the frontiers of the United States, having been reported by the committee correctly engrossed, was read a third time, and further amended by unanimous consent; and the blanks having been filled, on the question, Shall this bill pass? on motion, by Mr. BRENT, it was agreed to take the question by yeas and nays.

On motion, the Senate adjourned.

MILITIA OF THE UNITED STATES. The Senate resumed the third reading of the bill to authorize the President of the United States to call upon the several States and Territories thereof for their respective quotas of thousand militia for the defence of the frontiers of the United States.

Mr. GORE addressed the Chair as follows: There is no truth more evident than that the general, sovereign, and uncontrolled power of the several States, over the militia, remains with them respectively, except in certain specified cases, in which the Congress has authority to provide for calling out this force, which, while so called into the service of the United States is subject to your Government, preserving always their officers and militia organization, and excluding from the command all other officers, except only

the President of the United States.

The cases are, when insurrections exist, when the laws of the Union cannot be executed by the civil powers when an invasion is made.

"The Congress may provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws, to suppress insurrections,

to repel invasion."

For no other purposes can the United States call them forth, in no other service can they require their aid.

NOVEMBER, 1814.

his army, and then fancied himself equal to his more wealthy neighbors, who, at great expense, supported a large body of soldiers of flesh and blood, well armed and accoutred. We are told by well informed Senators on this floor, that the United States are unable, that the States respectively are unable, that the individuals themselves are unable, to arm the militia.

I truly hope, sir, that this picture of the deplorable condition of our country is founded in error. If it be not, it is a very important addition to that mass of evidence which is daily crowding on our minds, of the fatal improvidence of engaging in this destructive war.

If it be not in the power of the nation, nor of the several States, nor of the individuals, to provide arms for eighty thousand militia, why call them forth to eat the bread of idleness, and provide the certain means of victory to our foe, and defeat to ourselves? Why continue to propagate delusion? Why this empty boast of taking Canada, of expelling the British from every foot of the Continent, and dictating the conditions of peace to the Court of London ?

Believe me, sir, rather believe the accounts, which are pouring into this desolated capital by every mail, from every quarter and corner of the country, that blind confidence, which, trusting to proclamations and the extravagant vaunts of ignorance and indolence, has delivered this generous people a prey to the weakest of men, and the worst of passions, is fast dissipating, and will soon cease to hide from them the dreadful abyss into which they have been plunged, and the enormity of those delinquencies which have impoverished, dishonored, and degraded them.

capable of arming themselves, or the States of Whether it be true or not, that the people are providing the arms, there is no good reason for receiving men who come without arms and equipments, and thus filling your muster rolls with such beings, as, in no sense of the word, can be "The Congress may provide for organizing, arm-considered soldiers, but mere cormorants, to deing, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by Congress."

vour the remnant of sustenance, which can yet be wrung from this industrious nation, whom presumptuous folly has rendered bankrupt.

We too well know the fact, that great, rich, and powerful States issue forth unarmed legions, and boast of having complied with requisitions for soldiers to fight the battles of their country.

The power of organizing and disciplining the militia seems to have been granted for the pur- We are told that the Executive provides such pose of enabling this force to operate efficiently. men with arms and equipments. Where the That, when called to act, the militia of the seve-authority is to be found for thus favoring any ral States might manœuvre alike, and having the same military language and ideas, might understand and comprehend each other, as well as the orders of their superiors, and be usefully combined to effect the object proposed.

That Congress should provide for arming the militia was necessary to place them in a condition to act as soldiers; for if be not a contradiction to call militia without arms, soldiers, it is assuming very much the character of a petty German potentate, ambitious of military fame, who procured a large number of wax figures in warlike attitude and habiliment, which he called

State I am yet to learn. If allowed to some, and not to all, it is unequal, and therefore unjust.

Further, sir, some years since a law was enacted, appropriating an annual sum of money for the purchase of arms to be distributed among the States. To certain favored States arms were supplied, to others none. The neglected States have lately received a small part of their proportion. Whence was derived the authority thus to discriminate, to favor some States, and neglect others, is unknown to me. Sure I am it is consistent neither with policy nor justice.

It is, however, of the same character with that