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"jutroduced into the expense account, and discovered by through Mr. Sergeant, and thus the receipt stands. So us, we found to be, so far as regards the institution in this that the wbole agency of Mr. Sergeant was to answer an city, embraced under the head of stationary and printing." application to him as a director, from a printer, to print
Now, the truth is, that these expenses were not con. some reports of committees of Congress and other docu. fined to Philadelphia, but embraced all the United States. ments on the concerns of the bank. The expense book showed, and ibe vouchers proved, thal 5th. The next is, the effort to make it appear that all these expenditures were made in various and remote parts the expenses reported had been made to influence public of the Union--fact too apparent to escape immediate elections. This is not expressly asserted, but it is so observation,
stated as inevitably to convey that impression. Thus they 3d. The next misrepresentation is this. After quoting say: "We deemed it expedient at present to confine our the resolution, they proceed: “In pursuance, it is pre investigations to that portion which embraced expendisumed, of these resolutions, the item of stationary and tures calculated to operate on the elections. All exprinting was increased, during the first half of the year penditures of this kind, introduced into the expense 1831, to the enormous sum of $29,979 92."
account, and discovered by us, we found to be, so far as Now, it appears on the very face of the expense ac- regards the institution in this city, embraced under the count, that ihe increase of this enormous sum, so far from head of stationary and printing. To it, therefore, we having been occasioned by these resolutions, was caused chiefly directed,” &c. by the purchase of large quantities of paper and en Then follows a list of expenses, all of which it is in. gravings for bank notes, and by the supply of common tended to represent as calculated to influence elections. stationary for the bank.
Thus, in the case just cited, they proclaim the enormous The enormous sum in question was
$29,979 92 sum of $29,979 92, which they presume to have been This consisted of the following items:
expended in pursuance of the resolutions, and of course Common stationary,
as having a bearing on elections. Now we have just seen Printing blank forms and rules, 443 76
that of this whole $29,000, more than $13,000 were for Books,
bank notes and miscellaneous stationary; that $3,941 23 Newspapers,
was for Mr. Gallatin's book on currency, which could Engraving bank notes,
have no possible connexion with elections; that $2,500 Paper,
were for reprinting Mr. McDuffie's and General Smith's Silk for making paper,
reports, which Congress itself had reprinted in unusual Sbeeling for
numbers, and that of the whole remaining sum of $10,000 Silks for do 2,121 64
for miscellaneous expenses, none could be spent on Silks for
elections, from the simple fact, that in this first half year Subscription to the Coffee-house, 10 00
of 1831, no elections of any kind in which the bank
could, by any possibility, have an interest, were impend$13,678 42
ing for eighteen months to come, or even in remote Printing and circulating
agitation; yet this report would convey to the majority of
readers the belief that the whole of the $29,000 were Mr. Gallarin's book on banking, $3,941 23
lavished upon elections. Do, Smith and Mc
But the most signal error is reserved for the last. Duffie, 2,512 06
They say “it appears by the expense account of the Reviews and address
bank for the years 1831 and 182, that upwards of $80,000 to legislatures and
were expended and charged under the head of stationary miscellaneous
and printing during that period; and that a large propor. item, 9,848 21
tion of this was paid to the proprietors of newspapers and -$16,301 50
periodical journals; and for the printing, distribution, and
$29,979 92 postage of immense numbers of pamphlets and news. So that this enormous increase was occasioned, in a and stationary for those two years was upwards of $80,000,
papers,” &c. Now, it is true that the expense of printing great degree, by having a new set of bank notes prepared but by using ibe vague phrase of a large proportion's and engraved, amounting to $11,600 75~and moreover, and immense numbers," the impression conveyed to the nearly one-half of this enormous increase has no relation mind is, that the whole or nearly the whole of this amount to the expense to which it is meant to ascribe it.
must have been disbursed for the object to which the 4th. The next is, that among the expenditures noted, President objects; and, accordingly, the President, in his is one of $1,447 75, for printing," agreeably to order and paper, states in so many words, that "the expenditures letter from John Sergeant, Esq.". The gratuitous intro purporting to have been made under authority of these duction of the name of tiris gentleman is obviously de resolutions during the years 1831 and 1832, were about signed to connect his agency with some political purpose. $80,000," and thus the misstatement insinuated in the But there is not the slightest foundation for it. The fact itself was known to the Committee of Investigation in report becomes declared in the manifesto.
Now, these directors must bave perceived that of these 1832, and although urged to make the same use of it as
$80,000 is now atlempted, they had too much sense of justice and There were paid for making and printing bank honor to employ it. The truth is this: Early in the year
$24,591 96 "31, while Mr. Sergeant was a member of the board of For printing forms and other necessary papers, 1,848 08 directors, he received a letter from Mr. Wilson, a very For books and stationary,
6,053 88 respectable printer in Steubenville, proposing to print for various miscellaneous expenses,
653 25 the report of Messrs. Smith and McDuffie about the bank. Mr. Sergeant presented this letter to the officer of the
Making a total of $33,593 76 bank who was charged by the board with the multipli
So that, at once, more than thirty-ihree thousand dol. cation of these reports, and was requested by him to lurs of the eighty ihousand dollars are shown to have no apprize Mr. Wilson that he might print a certain number connexion whatever with the matter of this reproach. of copies. He did so. In sending his account, as he had
It is moreover to be observed, that the committee of not communicated with any officer of the bank, he re investigation of 1832 examined the subject; had this very ferred to his authority to do the work as having comel expense book before them; remark in their repuit the
increase of the expense of printing, but it may be pre- thorized to take wbatever measures he may think proper sumed that neither they, nor any other authority till now, for the discovery and arrest of counterfeiters of the notes thought such a subject worthy of being pursued. and drafts, and to incur such expenses from time to time
Having tbus exposed the errors of this report, the in effecting that object as he may deem useful or necommittee will briefly state the facts in regard to these cessary." disbursements.
The expenses incurred, as stated in the expense ac. The course adopted by the bank has been simple, plain, count, in executing these resolutions, from December, and avowed. It is this:
1829, when the first assault was made on the bank by the The Bank of the United States, like every other bank, President to the present time, running through the years derives much of its advantages from its credit and its 1829, 1830, 1831, 1832, and 1833, amount to $58,265 05, general reputation for solvency; and the directors are, making an average for the last four years of $14,583 76 a Therefore, bound by official as well as personal considera year. tions, to remove unfounded prejudices, and to repel During that period, the total expenses uninjurious calumnies on the institution intrusted to their der the head of printing and stationary,
$105,057 73 Soon aster the first message to Congress, issued by the of which the proportion for the signer of the present paper, it became necessary to coun defence of the bank was
58,265 04 teract the schemes for the destruction of the bank, by the And for the miscellaneous diffusion of intelligence among the people; accordingly
expenses of books and the following resolutions have been adopted by the board: stationary,
46,722 69 On the 30th of November, 1830, “the President sub
$105,057 73 mitted to the board a copy of an article on banks and This will be seen must perspicuously in the following currency, just published in the American Quarterly Re- statement : view of this city, containing a favorable notice of this
Printing and Speeches in Books and institution, and suggested the expediency of making the
circulating Congress and Stationary. views of the author more extensively known to the public
Reports to other Miscelthan they can be by means of the subscription list-where
Congress. neous publicaupon it was, on motion,
tions. " Resolved, That the President be authorized to take 1830, $5,085 67 $2,291 47 $6,704 33 such measures in regard to the circulation of the contents 1821, 2,650 97 19,057 56 21,496 26 of said article, either in the whole or in part, as he may 1832, 4,395 63 22,183 74 12,098 57 deem most for the interest of thie bank."
2,600 00 6,493 53 On the 11th of March, 1831, “the President slated to the board that, in consequence of the general desire ex.
$12,132 27 $46,132 77 $46,792 69 pressed by the directors at one of their meetings of last year, subsequent to the adjournment of Congress, and a So that the general result is, that within four years past verbal understanding with the board, measures had been the bank has been obliged to incur an expense of $58,000 taken by him in the course of that year, for printing to defend itself against injurious misrepresentations. numerous copies of the reports of General Smith and Mr.
This has been done with regret ibat it should be McDuffie, on the subject of ibis bank, and for widely dis. necessary, but with the strongest conviction of its pruseminating their contents through the United States and priety, and without the slightest wish either to disavow or that he had since, by virtue of the authority given bim by to conceal it. On the contrary, the bank asserts its clear a resolution of this board adopted on the soth November right to defend itself equally against those who circulate last, caused a large edition of Mr. Gallatin's Essay on false statements and those who circulate false notcs.
Its banks and currency to be published and circulated in like sole object, in either case, is self-defence. It cando manner, at the expense of the bank. He suggested, at suffer itself to be calumniated down, and the interests the same time, the expediency of extending still more confided to its care sacrificed by falsehoods. A war of widely a knowledge of the concerns of ibis institution, by unexampled violence has been waged against the bank. means og the republication of other valuable articles, The institution defends itself. Its assailants are what are which had issued from the daily and periodical press. called politicians, and when statements which they cannot “ Whereupon, it was, on motion,
answer are presented to the country, they reproach the “Re:olved, That the President is hereby authorized to bank with interfering with politics. As these assaults, too, cause to be prepared and circulated, such documents and are made at the period of public elections, the answers of papers as may communicate to the people information in the bank must of course follow at the same time; and regard to the nature and operations of the bank." thus, because these politicians assail the bank on the eve
And finally, on the 16th of August, 1833, the following of elections, unless the institution stands mule, it is resolution:
charged with interfering in politics and influencing elec. “ Resolved, that the board have confidence in the tions. The bank has never interfered in the slightest wisdom and integrity of the President, and the propriety degree in politics, and never influenced or sought to inof the resolution of ihe 30th of November, 1830, and 11th Auence elections, but it will not be deterred by the of March, 1831—and entertain a full conviction of the menaces or clamors of politicians, from executing its duty necessity of a renewed attention to the objects of the in defending itself. Of the time and manner and degree resolution; and that the Presideut be authorized and re- and expense connected with this service, the board of quested to continue his exertions for the promotion of said directors claim to be the sole and exclusive judges. objects."
Whether the defence is too costly, is for the stockholders, The resolutions of 1830 and 1831 were passed openly whose interests are sustained by it, to decide; but cer. and unanimously by the board, the two Government di. tainly, the assailants themselves have no right to complain rectors who attended concurring in them-and they have of the expenses they have occasioned. Their own duty been carried into effect without the least reserve or in the full proportion which may be needed for defending secrecy. The form of the resolution was the same as that the institution intrusted to them, the board of directors odopied on a kindred subject-the arrest of counterfeiters will cheerfully and zealously perform, a short time previous, on the 25th of October, 1830: The committee conclude this examination by offering
"Resolved, That the president of this bank be au-l as the result of their reflections the following resolution:
Mr. Duane's Address to the People of the United States.
[23d Corg. 1st Sess
Resolved, That the removal of the public funds from it “ would become his duty, in frankness and candor, to the Bank of the United States, under the circumstances, suggest the course which would be necessary on his part." and in the manner in wbich it has been effected, is a viola Nut on my own account, but as an act of duty to the tion of the contract between the Government and the country, I now subjected my pride and feelings to restraint, bank; and that the President be instructed to present a by tendering, in order to avert a present hostile breach, a memorial to Congress, requesting that redress should be future surrender of my post, in case I should not ultimately afforded for the wrong which has been done to the in- concur with the President. But, before my concurrence stitution.
or non-concurrence was made known, and whilst I still held in my hands the manuscript exposition which was
read in the cabinet on the 18th September, and then deMR. DUANE'S ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF livered to me by the President for my consideration, he THE UNITED STATES.
virtually dismissed me as an officer, and insulled me as a
man, by causing the official annunciation, hereto apo Fellow-Citizens: I announced, on the 20th ultimo, pended, No. 1, to be published in the Globe of the 201h that, at an early day, I would appear before yol, at least to September. repel imputations cast upon my character, contained in Yet, after this, when it must have been obvious that, publication in the Globe, the official paper of the Execu- independently of other considerations of great weight, I tive, of the preceding day.
was absolved from all respect for any past assurance, my If the calumnious attack referred to had not been ob- letter No. 2, which I personally presented to the Presiviously sanctioned by the President of the United States, dent on the 21st of September, according to my promise of such is the character of the newspaper under bis pro- September 19, was contumeliously sent back to me, in tection, that I should not have felt myself called upon to letter No. 3, intimating the existence of improper imputanotice it.
tions in mine, No. 2, calling my attention to my assurance In addressing you, I have hesitated between the adop- of July 22, and inquiring whether I could concur in retion of a general exposition, and a brief defensive address, moving the deposites. From this letter, No. 3, it must accompanied by that part of the correspondence between be evident that when it was written, my dismissal was not the President and myself which the official paper seems then deemed justifiable on grounds subsequently sugto have challenged me to produce. I adopt the latter gested; for, when the President wrote it, he knew the course. In the correspondence you will find ample ma. contents of the letter deemed offensive, and yet he held terials for an accurate comprehension of my case-one of the correspondence open. insult and oppression.
What, then, I ask, subsequently occurred? Instead of On the 4th of December, 1832, without any solicitation treating this new indignity, the return of my letter, with on my part, I was unexpectedly invited to accept the office silence, or evincing any other mode of dissatisfaction, I of the Secretary of the Treasury. I sought to shun the felt that I was on duty at a public post, and that I ought station, did not consent to serve until asked for my not to suffer it to be taken by surprise. I could not now decision on the 30th of January, and then consented mistake, in concluding that it was intended to insult me reluctantly,
out of office, or to draw from me some expression, which No doubt, subsequently to, as before, the adjournment might form a pretext for my removal on a minor point, so of Congress, speculators, for their own selfish ends, doubtful was the President, after all, of the propriety of agitated the deposite question, and kept up an excitement, removing an officer for not yielding, when desired, the felt by the President; but it was never intimated to me discretion given to him by law. that he desired to concentrate in himself the power to Accordingly I sent letter No. 4, subsequently withdrawn judge and execute-io absorb the discretion given to the for alteration, and then letters Nos. 5 and 6-No. 5 Secretary of the Treasury-and even to nullify the law especially –because the President did not seem to comitself. I never heard until after my entry into office, that prehend me when, in my letter No. 2, I said that, after he meant to remove the deposites, without further inquiry what had occurred subsequently to July 22, I felt myself by Congress, or that he had asked the opinion of the absolved from all obligation to observe the assurances members of the cabinet on the subject; on the contrary, given at that time. when, after having entered the Treasury Department, These last appeals, indicative of any thing but bad feel. unpledged, untrammelled, and unsuspicious, I was in- ing or disrespect, were also sent back to me in letter No. formed of what was meditated, I felt surprise at the in- 7, declaring my services no longer necessary. I submit telligence, and mortification at the manner in which it was 10 all just men to determine by whom an assurance was communicated to me.
given, and without cause disregarded. On the 3d of June, the President himself made known. Thus was I thrust from office-not because I had ne. to me what was in contemplation, and that he had taken glected any duty-110t because I had differed with the the opinions of the members of the cabinet on the point; President on any other point of public policy-not because two of whom concurred with him, two of whom did not I bad differed with him about the Bank of the United concur, and the fifth had not yet given a written opinion. States—but, because I refused, without further inquiry or He said he would submit to me the written opinions of the action by Congress, to remove the deposites. four members of the cabinet, with his own views, and that If, in my letter No. 2, there is any thing that should he would expect me to give him my opinions frankly and not have been there, I ask it to be borne in mind that it fully. As if to urge me to avoid all reserve, be assured was written under a deep sense of injury and insult. me, in a leiter dated Boston, June 26, transmitting the I appeal to all prior letters and intercourse, to show, opinions and views, that “it was not bis intention to in that I had not on any occasion forgotten my respect for terfere with the independent exercise of the discretion the Chief Magistrate, or for myself; and I deny that, in any committed to me by law over this subject."
letter, there was inaccuracy of fact, with my knowledge. But, when, on the 10th July, I gave my opinions frank As I considered my removal inevitable, I asked, in my Jy and fully, as an honest minister and man should do, personal interview, and by letter No.6, such order as, when there was every return but that of approbation. On the shown to the representatives of the people, would be any contrary, on the 22d of July, I was asked whether it was apology for leaving the station under my care. Had such my intention to refuse to remove the deposites, if, after order been given, all subsequent unpleasantness would inquiry by an agent, and advisement with the cabinet, the have been prevented; for the present result I am not President should decide to remove them, as, in such case, accountable.
Mr. Duane's Address to the People of the United States.
23d Cong. Ist Sess.)
If any doubt existed as to the propriety of submitting 1. Not because I desire to frustrate your wishes, for it the annexed letters to the public eye, it is removed by the would be my pleasure to promote them, if I could do so, example set by the President in the attack wbich he has consistently with superior obligations. sanctioned, and against which this is my desence.
2. Not because I desire to favor the Bank of the United I appeal to the justice and generosity of all publishers States, to which I have ever been, am, and ever shall be, of newspapers who have inserted therein the attack upon opposed. me, whether I have not a claim upon them to allow me to 3. Not to gratify any views, passions, or feelings of my be heard, by publishing the present letter, and the an- own-but nexed documents. Very respectfully yours,
4. Because I consider the proposed change of the Philadelphia, December 2, 1833. W. J. DUANE. depository, in the absence of all necessity, a breach of the
public faith. No. 1.
5. Because the measure, if not in reality, appears to be From the Globe of September 20, 1833.
vindictive and arbitrary, not conservative or just. We are authorized to state that the deposites of the 6. Because, if the bank bas abused or perverted its public money will be changed from the Bank of the United powers, the Judiciary are able and willing to punish; and States to the State banks, as soon as necessary arrange in the last resort, the representatives of ihe people may ments can be made for that purpose, and that it is believed do so. they can be completed in Baltimore, Philadelphia, New 7. Because the last House of Representatives of the York, and Boston, in time to make the change by the first United States pronounced the public money in the Bank of October, and perhaps sooner, if circumstances should of the United States safe. render an earlier action necessary on the part of the Gov. 8. Because, if, under new circumstances, a change of ernment.
depository ought to be made, the representatives of the It is contemplated, we understand, not to remove at people, chosen since your appeal to them in your veto once the whole of the public money now on deposite in message, will in a few weeks assemble, and be willing the Bank of the United States, but to suffer it to remain and able to do their duty. there until it shall be gradually withdrawn by the usual 9. Because a change io local and irresponsible banks operation of the Government. And this plan is adopted will tend to shake public confidence, and promote doubt in order to prevent any necessity, on the part of the Bank and mischief in the operations of society. of the United States, for pressing upon the commercial 10. Because it is not sound policy in the Union to foster community; and to enable it to afford, if it think proper, local banks, which, in their multiplication and cupidity, the usual facilities to the merchants. It is believed that derange, depreciate, and banish the only currency known by this means the change need not produce any incon. to the constitution, that of gold and silver. venience to the commercial community, and that circum. 11. Because it is not prudent to confide, in the crude stances will not require a sudden and heavy call on the way proposed by your agent, in local banks, when on an Bank of the United States, so as to occasion embarrass- average of all the banks, dependent in a great degree ment to the institution or the public.
upon each other, one dollar in silver cannot be paid for
six dollars of the paper in circulation. No. 2.
12. Because it is dangerous to place in the hands of s The Secretary of the Treasury to the President of the Secretary of the Treasury, dependent for office on ExecuUnited States.
tive will, a power to favor or punish local banks, and conTREASURE DEPARTMENT, September 21, 1833. sequently make them political machinery. SIR: I have the honor to lay before you
13. Because the whole proceeding must tend to di1, A copy of my commission, empowering and enjoin. minish the confidence of the world in our regard for ing me to execute my duty according to law, and author. national credit and reputation, inasmuch as, whatever may izing me to bold my office ai your pleasure.
be the abuses of the directors of the Bank of the United 2. A copy of my oath of office, wherein ļ solemnly States, the evil now to be endured must be borne by pledged myself to execute the trust confided to me with innocent persons, many of whom, abroad, had a right to fidelity.
confide in the law that authorized them to be holders of 3. A copy of the 16th section of the law chartering the stock. Bank of the United States, whereby the discretion to 14. Because I believe that the efforts made in various continue the deposites of the public money in that bank quarters to husten the removal of the deposites, did not was committed in the Secretary of the Treasury alone. originate with patriots or statesmen, but in schemes to
4. An extract from your letter to me of the 26th of promote selfish and factious purposes, June, wberein you promise not to interfere with the 15. Because it bas been attempted by persons and independent exercise of the discretion committed to me presses known to be in the confidence and pay of the by (ihe above-mentioned) law, over the subject. administration, to intimidive and constrain the Secretary
5. An extract from your exposition of the 18th instant, of the Treasury to execute an act in direct opposition to wherein you state that you do not expect me, at your re his own solemn convictions. quest, order, or dictation, to do any act which I may And now, sir, baving with a frankness that means no believe to be illegal, or which my conscience may con- disrespect, and with feelings such as I lately declared them demn.
to be, stated to you why I refuse to execute what you When you delivered to me, on the 18th inst. the ex. direct, I proceed to perform a necessarily connec!ed act position of your views, above referred to, I asked you of duty, by announcing to you that I do not intend whether I was to regard it as direction, by you to me, to voluntarily to leave the post which the law has placed remove the deposites; you replied that it was your di- under my charge, and by giving you my reasons for so rection to me to remove the deposites, but upon your refusing. responsibility; and you bad the goodness to add, that, if I It is true, that, on the 224 of July, you signified in would stand by you, it would be the happiest day of your language sufficiently intelligible, that you would then relife.
move me from office unless I would consent to remove Solemnly impressed with a profound sense of my ob- the deposites, on your final decision; it may also be true ligations to my country and myself, after painful reflection, that I should then have put it to the test; and it is also and upon my own impressions, unaided by any advice true, that, under a well-grounded assurance that your such as I expected, I respectfully announce to you, sir, bank plan, the only one then imbodied in the instructions that I refuse to carry your directions into effect.
Mr. Duane's Address to the People of the United States.
[23d Cong. 1st Ses9.
drawn up by me for your agent, would be, as it proved, and full communication of all your views, before I made abortive, that for this and other causes, you would be up a final opinion upon the subject, I cannot consent to content, I did state my willingness to retire, if I could not enter into further discussion of the question. concur with you.
There are numerous impulations in the letter, which But I am not afraid to meet the verdict of generous cannot, with propriety, be allowed to enter into a corremen, upon my refusal, on reflection, and after what has spondence between the President and the head of a Desince occurred, to do voluntarily what I then believed I partment. In your letter of July last you remark-"But, never should be asked to do. If I had a frail reputation, if, after receiving the information and hearing the discusor bad any sinister purpose to answer, I might be open to sion, I shall not consider it my duty, as a responsible agent censure for a neglect of punctilious delicacy; but I can of the law, to carry into effect the decision that you may have no impure motives, much less can I attain any selfish then make, I will, from respect to you, and to myself, end: I barely choose between one mode of retirement and afford you an early oppnrtunity to select a successor another: and I choose that mede which I should least of whose views may accord with your own on the important all have preferred, if I had not exalted and redeeming matter in contemplation.” My communication to my considerations in its favor.
cabinet was made under this assurance received from you; I have, besides, your own example; I do not say, that and I have no requested you to perform any thing which after you had promised “not to interfere with the in- your sense of duty did not sanction. I have merely wishdependent exercise of the discretion vested in me by ed to be informed whether, as Secretary of the Treasu. law," you were wrong in interfering, if you really thought ry, you can, consistently with your opinion on the subject the public welfare a superior consideration to a mere of the deposites, adopt such measures in relation to them observance of assurances made to me; nor can you say as in my view the public interests and a due execution that I err, when upon a solemn sense of duty, I prefer of the laws render proper. If you will now communi. one mode of removal from this station to another.
cate that information, it will confer an obligation on This course is due to my own self-preservation, as well
Your obedient servant, as to the public, for you have, in all your papers, held out
ANDREW JACKSON. an assurance that you would not “interfere with the independent exercise of the discretion committed to me
No, 4. by law," over the deposites; and yet, every thing but The Secretary of the Treasury to the President of the actual removal of me from office has been done to effect
United States. that end. So that, were I to go out of office voluntarily, TREASURI DEPARTMENT, September 21, 1833. you might be able to point to official papers that would Sir: I have the bonor to acknowledge the receipt of contradict me, if I said you interfered, and I should thus your note returning the communication that I presented be held up as a weak or faithless agent, who regarded io you this morning; the grounds on which it is returned delicacy not shown to himself more than duty to his trust. are, that further discussion of the deposite question is un.
Sir, after all, I confess to you that I have had scruples, necessary, and that there were imputations therein that for it is the first time that I have condescended to weigh could not be admitted into a correspondence between the a question of the kind: but I am content that it shall be President and the head of a Department. said of me that, in July last I forgot myself, and my duty Allow me respectfully to say, that it was not with a luo, rather than that it should be said that, now knowing view to a further discussion, that I presented my reasons the course that you pursue, I had in any way favored it; for declining to act, agreeably to your direction, in re. on the contrary, if I have erred, I am willing to be removing the deposites, but to justify my refusal; nor was proved, but my motives no man can impugn.
it my desire or intention that any matter contained in my My refusal to resign cannot keep me, one moment letter should be disrespectful, or open to such a supposilonger than you please, in an office that I never sought, tion; that any thing therein should be so construed I very and at a removal from which I shall not grieve on my own much regret. account; it must, on the contrary, basten my exit. So My object throughout was to justify the course, on the That, if you shall proceed in wresting from the Secretary two points stated in my letter, which, under the most of the Treasury the citadel in bis possession, the act can solemn impressions, I felt it to be my duty to pursue. only be accomplished by a mandate which will be my To show you my obligations, I presented a copy of my apology for no longer standing in the breach.
commission, a copy of my oath of office, and a copy of And now, sir, allow me to repeat to you in sincerity of the law giving the Secretary of the Treasury the discreheart, that in taking the present course, under a solemntion to change the public depository; to show you upon sense of my obligations, I feel a sorrow on your account, what I relied, in my course of conduct, I quoted your let. far greater than on my own. I have been your early, ter of June 26th, and your exposition of the 18th instant. uniform, aud steadfast friend; I can bave no unkind dis. In order to justify my refusal to resign, I described the position, but shall cherish those of a kind nature, that I circumstances under which your letter of July, 220, and feel. You proudly occupy the hearts of your countrymen; my reply of the same date, were written, and showed the but still it is the lot of humanity, at times, to err. I do new posture in which I was placed by subsequent reflecample justice to your motives, but I am constrained to lion and occurrences. regret your present proceedings, and I devoutly wish that When I entered your administration, I had no knowlyou may live to see all my forebodings contradicted, and edge that you had come to any decision on the deposite your measures followed by results beneficial to your question, or that you meditated a change of depository country, and bonorable to yourself.
without the action of Congress. With the utmost consideration, your obedient servant, As soon as I was made acquainted with your views, I
W. J. DUANE. anxiously sought to accord with them: and as you invited
a full disclosure of my thoughts, by assuring me, in your No. 3.
letter of the 26th of June, that you did not intend to inThe President of the United States to the Secretary of terfere with the independent exercise of the discretion the Treasury.
committed to me by law over the deposites, I opened my. WASHINGTON, September 21, 1833. self freely to you, against any change of the depository; SIR: After you retired, I opened and read the paper at all subsequent stages, although I have kept myself you banded to me. I here with return it, as a communi- open to explanation, I have invariably declined to make cation which I cannot receive. Having invited the freel that change, and I remain in the same resolution still.