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H. or R.]

Franklin county (Mass.) Memorial.

[MAY 26, 1834.

ing rich; the nature of our business does not admit of common estimation to that of bare physical subsistence. this; but we were saving something from our labor be- It reaches beyond personal and family influence and yond the support of ourselves and our families. Old character, to society, and law, and constitution, and coundebts, which had accumulated in less prosperous times, try. Ay, sir, it carries to the ballot-box all its salutary were in process of payment. Creditors felt secure and power. And, under all its pressure, is it strange that lenient. They who, by their industry, were free from these citizens feel intensely, and speak plainly to this debt, were adding to the stock of their farms, extending Legislature, where alone is lodged the power of relief. and improving their cultivation, procuring for them- But they have not confined their views nor their reaselves and their families an increase of comforts, and for soning to their own pecuniary affairs. Looking abroad their children better means of education." And they upon their fellow-citizens, they, as we all do, witness hoped that, in coming time, their industry, economy, and general suffering, scarcity of money, destruction of credit, enterprise, unfailing sources of wealth and comfort, would depression of prices, and ill-paid labor, all striking at the be left to produce upon themselves and their families means by which men live. And they attribute this train their common results. Yes, sir, even after the fatal blow of evils, and others which they fear, to the action of the was struck, which was to send a pang through every Executive in compelling the removal of the treasure of nerve and fibre of this busy laboring community, they this nation from its legal depository, and throwing it into still had hopes that, removed as they were from the ope- some twenty or thirty irresponsible or doubtful State ration of causes which often bring distress upon manufac-banks; and to the unmeasured hostility of the President turing and trading communities, the failures with which against the national institution.

distant cities and great marts of trade were visited, might Sir, we have looked in vain for other causes, adequate not occur among a people of their habits and occupa- to the effect. We discover none that could so suddenly and extensively derange currency, that element in which

tions.

I have spoken of the condition of these memorialists all transactions of business live, and prostrate credit and prior to the operation of the Executive measures. It confidence, the means by which they are carried on. was a common one in all the Eastern States. And none Who now presumes to charge the public distress to the could have anticipated a total reverse of the scene in six United States Bank? Though we have seen it cast off short months-a sudden shock of adversity, withering by the Executive as a fiscal agent of the Governmentand blasting every earthly prospect--unless from the the relations between them dissolved, and the institution hand of some formidable public enemy in open war, or thus turned into a private banking corporation; yet it from the hand of Heaven in some war of the elements. did not seem to rush upon the community, or the State But such reverse has come; not by war, nor famine, nor banks, in vengeance, or to make them feel its power. convulsion of nature; but the hand of the Executive Gov- On the contrary, the bank did not diminish its accommoernment has been laid upon the country, as if in wrath, dations to the community, to near the amount of the and universal fearfulness and distress have been the result. public moneys withdrawn from it. And yet, the new Again, my constituents shall speak for themselves: depositories, the selected banks, could not or would not "But the same causes which have brought ruin and dis-extend theirs, to the amount thus put into their hands, tress upon other communities are at work among us. by several millions of dollars. Thus was the people's The blight has fallen upon our fields even when they money abstracted from their legal treasury, and withheld were ripe for the harvest. The prices of all our agri- from their use and accommodation. In all this was seen cultural products have sunk down. Our fat cattle, our moderation on the part of the National Bank. Nor can we wool, and our grain, the three great staples of this coun- discover any movement of that institution, tending to opty, are upon our hands, and there is no possibility of get-pression or severity. We indeed saw a diminished circulating rid of them, except by a great sacrifice. We know tion, for which it was not accountable, but the evils of which not how we can better convey an adequate idea of our it greatly mitigated. And, if it did not preserve the curpresent condition, than by saying that the cattle which rency from disorder, after the fatal assault; and if it could many of us purchased last autumn for the stall, and in not sustain general confidence in the commercial communifeeding which nearly the whole produce of our farms ty-it is to be remembered that its faculty for good was has been expended, are not worth to us now more than impaired by the obloquy cast upon it by the President, by we paid for them. Thus have some of us lost the pro-his denial of its solvency, and by his forcing it and the State ducts and labor of a whole year. All classes of laborers institutions into a relation of mutual jealousy and competishare with the farmer in his depression. Mechanics and tion. It could not but be, that all should become cramped in manufacturers have, in many instances, been thrown out their operations, by the attack of the President upon the of employment, and exposed to suffering and want, or credit, character, and existence of the National Bank. driven to seek unwonted, and far less profitable work, if haply they can find it."

In this and other parts of their memorial, these citizens give you a brief and simple account of what they feel and what they fear.

The memorialists perceive, or think they do, in this course of action, cause enough for a derangement in a system so delicate and complicated as the currency of a great country, and for the prostration of general confidence, so essential in all the dealings of men. And in a Sir, when the farmer tells you that his fat cattle, his nation whose interests, endlessly various, are so closely grain and wool, lie upon his hands, ruinously depressed intertwined as in this, none can be so low or remote as in price, and without the prospect of a market, is he not not to suffer by a wound inflicted on a vital part of the entitled to the sympathy and regard of Government? system. All, from the capitalist to the day-laborer, come And when the laborer respectfully tells that Government in for their share of the common suffering. that, in the sweat of his brow, he can scarcely earn his And was not this result foreseen by the authors of this bread; that his health and muscles, his only capital, are financial outrage? But it was as reckless and daring in its greatly cheapened or wholly unemployed, who does not conception, as ruinous in its consequences. Well may look around for the cause and the remedy for the dread my constituents entertain the fear that these measures, if calamity? But when, in addition to these afflictions, as persisted in, will work for them the sacrifice of the labors these citizens suggest, they fear to lose the means of of coming years; and that, amidst ruined credit, fluctuagiving their children a useful education, it would seem ting prices, and unsettled currency, greedy speculators that the measure of their anxieties was full. For, sir, will fatten on the products of the honest farmer and mein that land of common schools, and of moral and in-chanic, often the victims of their dishonest acts. tellectual culture, this great object stands second only in But these memorialists would feel unfaithful to their

MAY 26, 1834.]

Franklin county (Mass.) Memorial.

[H. OF R.

country, to this Government, and to their posterity, if dy and efficient servant of the Government, in the great they rested their complaints on pecuniary sufferings alone. concerns of its revenue. And we all have seen, how No, sir; there are connected with these measures consider- great was the shock to the common sense of men, when ations of higher public concernment. When we have all this experience was set at naught, for an untried, unseen the Executive, in repeated messages to Congress, expected, and preposterous experiment, for a "harddenouncing the bank; denying its salutary influence as a money currency!" Respecting the constitutionality of regulator of the currency; denying its security as a de-a national bank, if my constituents could ever have pository of the revenue and fiscal agent of the Govern- doubted, their doubts would have been quieted by a rement; and when we have seen him following up these view of the history of that institution. They would have hostile declarations by a bold and hasty removal of the perceived

2d. That Washington signed the charter of that bank. 3d. That President Madison signed the charter of the present bank.

4th. The Supreme Court have decided in favor of the constitutionality of a national bank.

deposites, only a few months after this House had, by a 1st. That many of the framers of the constitution were great vote, declared them safe, and but two months be-members of the Congress that chartered the old Bank of fore the assembling of the representatives of the people, the United States, and gave the measure their decided with the apparent design to resist their action and control support. of the people's money, by the misuse of his veto power; and thus by art, as well as doctrine, claiming sole and supreme control of the public purse; when, I say, we have witnessed all this, we cannot wonder that these memorialists should feel and express the deepest anxieties for the safety of our free institutions. And when it is seen, too, that, in order to effect his objects, the President has perverted the appointing power, a limited and qualified 6th. The last Congress, by large majorities in both one under the constitution, there is, is there not, sir? great branches, voted a recharter of the present bank. reason to apprehend the concentraton of ungranted and Lastly, President Jackson has expressed himself in dangerous power in the hands of one man! But the dan-favor of such a bank as he could propose. ger is increased, when it is seen that this grasp of new nounced such an institution both useful and convenient to power is at the expense of the popular branch of the the people.

5th. The people have been content with its existence nearly forty years.

He has pro

Government. Congress loses what the Executive as- Under these convictions, the memorialists see no other sumes in control of the public treasure. And the Senate, means of extending relief and restoring the constitution, holding a share of the appointing power, sees itself prac-than restoring the deposites to their lawful place and tically put aside in the process of filling the high offices keeping in the Bank of the United States, and so fulfilof Government. Is it not so, sir? Not only has the ling the solemn public contract with that institution; a President asserted his right to keep and control the col-contract which none will pretend the bank has ever violected treasure of the nation, but, to make his claim sure, lated. They know no other mode of creating and prehe has carefully kept in the office of Secretary of the serving a sound and equal currency, than by the agency Treasury a man of his own sole appointment, and whose of a national bank-an institution for the people, the only will seems to be to do "his bidding and abide his will." whole people of this great country. For these objects, And it is a fact new in the history of our Government, and I separate and distinct in their character, my constituents hope it will stand out prominent, as a monitory fact, that memorialize Congress. They come to this House, which for more than one year past we have not had a Secretary emanates directly from the people, and to them is directly of the Treasury appointed according to the constitution! responsible. They believe their public agents here can Well might the public meeting of my constituents declare enter into their views, realize their condition, and sympa. that the President was pursuing his destructive objects thize in their sufferings. And least of all do they fear by means incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. that their representatives can retort upon them the reply Sir, it is not my design to go into an argument against which the President is said to have given to the comthe removal of the deposites, that hitherto undefended plaints of the people, that those who do business on credit and indefensible exertion of Executive power, either as are undeserving regard and protection. Credit, sir, perto its expediency or constitutionality, but only to present sonal, pecuniary credit, though not implying exactly so briefly, as I have done, the views of my constituents of much as moral character, is nevertheless too nearly rethis bold and pernicious measure, to speak of their suflated to it among a plain, agricultural, and mechanical ferings and apprehensions as produced by it; nor will I community to be disregarded or reproached; for it rests go into the great and grave subject of the currency of more on moral and economical habits than upon any pethe country; but will only present their sentiments, as cuniary pledges, and is at once an incentive to, and rewell expressed in one of the resolutions adopted at their ward of, industry and integrity. Sir, I know not that these citizens ever before ap"Resolved, That a paper currency, based upon an ade-proached Congress with any public grievance. They may quate specie foundation, presents important advantages rejoice to know that, on this occasion, their voice is here over an entire specie circulation, both in its power of mingled with that of hundreds of thousands, called forth expansion and contraction, according to the wants of the by the same cause, and directed to the same end. And community; the object of a wise and patriotic Govern-I devoutly wish I could tell them their prayer will be anment, therefore, should be, not to destroy such a cur-swered-that Congress will interpose all its power and rency, but to regulate it, devising means for giving the authority for relief and quiet to the country, the redempwhole system efficiency and safety, developing to the tion of the national faith, the restoration of the constitufall its advantages, and remedying its acknowledged de- tion and the laws, and the restraint of Executive assumptions. But, sir, indulging no such hopes myself, I will

convention.

fects."

On this subject, the memorialists, referring to the rea-not encourage them in my constituents. Nay, it is my sonings and opinions of our ablest statesmen, during the duty here, as their sentinel and servant, to declare that existence of our present Government, and to past expe- there is no hope of change in the measures of the adminrience through all that period, declare their conviction, istration; that the President has sternly declared there and I fully concur with them, that a national bank affords should be no change in his determined course of action; the only corrective of a disordered currency; that ex- that, in this House, certain great questions of public right perience has abundantly proved its importance to the in- and policy, of vital importance to the people, have been dustry and commerce of the country; its value as a rea-negatived and put down, while others, of hardly less mo

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I re

ment, have been cautiously avoided in its action.
gret I must tell them that this representative body has
shunned a vote on the sufficiency of the Secretary's rea-
sons for the removal of the public moneys from the lawful
treasury of the nation; and that, by a vote against their
restoration, it has sanctioned a breach of faith with the
bank, which, if it had occurred in a private transaction
between man and man, would have covered its author
with shame and dishonor-a violation of faith, which, oc-
curring in the intercourse between two independent na-
tions, would be regarded as a just cause of war!

[MAY 27, 1834.

Mr. W. said he would, for the present, postpone his intention of calling up the bill.

BANK REPORTS.

Mr. MILLER asked the unanimous consent of the House to take up the motion submitted by him for the printing of 30,000 extra copies of the reports respectively presented by the majority and minority of the committee appointed to investigate the affairs of the Bank of the United States.

Objections having been made

Mr. MILLER moved a suspension of the rule; which motion prevailed.

And the resolution having been taken up

Sir, the people of this country look upon the measures of the Executive, and of this House, with astonishment and dismay-I will not say with despondency. For, in the review of public affairs, they find relief to the gloomy prospect, in the character and action of another branch of the Government-an oasis in a desert waste. And I appendix to the whole. should do injustice to my own feelings, to the occasion,

ruin without one effort to avert it.

Mr. BRIGGS moved, as an amendment, that the two reports be printed, attached to each other, and with an Mr. MILLER declined to accept this as a modification

and to the sense of the country, could I forget to give of his motion. my humble testimony to the exalted and dignified char- Mr. BRIGGS said his object in submitting the amendacter of the American Senate. That body has nobly, ment was to save considerable expense, which might be greatly exerted its powers, to illustrate the true princi- avoided by having only one copy of the documents printples of our republican system, to vindicate the constitu-ed, which, by having the two reports attached, would tion and laws, and to check Executive usurpations. Its answer every purpose that could be desired. He was discussions, decisions, and measures, of the present ses- also actuated, in making this proposition, by the considesion, will be held in grateful, admiring remembrance, ration that, when the printing of any extra number of while this Government shall stand! But it cannot be for- documents was ordered by the House, the only justifiable gotten, that this House of the people, where they have reason they had for going to the expense of doing it, was poured out their griefs and complaints, has heard them that, thereby, they were disseminating full information to with sturdy indifference, and looked upon the gathering their constituents upon important public matters, by which they would be entitled to judge of the propriety of such measures as should be under discussion in Congress. This, then, being the motive, when two reports of totally opposite views were presented by the members of an important committee appointed by the House, he would contend that it was the bounden duty of the House to print both, as well as the right of the people of the United States to have both laid before them, that they might have an opportunity of comparing the views and conclusions to which either the majority or the minority I transmit a letter from the Marquis de Rochambeau to of the committee had come, with those of the other. The the minister of the United States in France, (together people would be placed in a condition to judge for themwith a translation of the same,) referring to the petition selves, which they could not be, perhaps, if the reports of certain descendants of the Count de Rochambeau, were sent separately. He did not urge this with any which was communicated to the House of Representatives peculiar reference to this question, but rather as regardwith my message of the 22d February, 1833. Extracts ing it important to be adhered to as a general principle, from the despatches of Mr. Livingston to the Secretary which he hoped the House would now settle, that when, of State, respecting the same subject, are also sent.

No, sir, these memorialists have nothing to hope here. They understand the ultimate remedy for public evils; they will bear them with patience, till they shall be redressed by the voice and votes of a free and intelligent people.

The following message, received from the President of the United States on Thursday last, was read: To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I likewise transmit, for the consideration of the House, a petition from the heirs of the Baron de Kalb, (accompanied by a note from General Lafayette,) praying remuneration for services rendered by the Baron to the United States during the war of the Revolution.

WASHINGTON, May 19, 1834.

ANDREW JACKSON.

The message was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Various bills on the Speaker's table were taken up and disposed of, and then The House adjourned.

TUESDAY, MAY 27.

NAVY PAY.

hereafter, they should vote the printing of any reports in which conflicting and adverse views were presented, the whole matters should go out to the public together, for the reason he had already stated. Mr. B. said he had been informed that this had been the practice of the House heretofore, and one that was only recently departed from. It was one to which the House should return, and, believing that a decision to this effect was now desirable, being a question altogether addressing itself to the candor, intelligence, and integrity of every honorable member, he would now leave it to them to dispose of, desiring only to have the question upon his amendment taken by yeas and nays.

Mr. LANE, of Indiana, said, while he agreed with the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. BRIGGS,] that the object of printing extra numbers of the reports was to disseminate correct information among the people, to make them acquainted with the action of this House, Mr. WATMOUGH said, as he had given notice of an and to enlighten the public mind, he should vote against intention, with the permission of the House, to call up the the amendment proposed, to have the report of the mabill to regulate the pay in the naval service of the United jority, and the appendix, and the report of the minority, States, he would ask that it should be taken up and con-printed and attached, in order that they shall be placed in sidered this day. If not, as the subject was one of paramount importance, he hoped that a specific day would be fixed for having it taken up. Objections having been made

the same hands at the same time, as he did not believe that mode best calculated to produce that result; that he desired them separate; they could then be circulated to the best possible advantage. The majority report and

MAY 27, 1834.]

Bank Reports.

[H. of R.

the appendix, by which it is sustained, can be forwarded he could not, in fact, tell where it was, or what had beto one individual, the minority report to his neighbor. come of it.

Each would read, and each would be desirous to see and The inquiries were renewed by the printers on the folread the other; and the ambition of each would be in-lowing day, (Friday,) but with the same result, and the creased to have the one he had read seen by his neigh- first discovery that they had of where the report was likebor, in direct proportion to the excitement of his political ly to be found, was upon seeing an insertion of it in the feeling, or the desire he might feel to arrive at truth, and columns of the official paper, the Globe. How it came have others to possess the same advantage. Whereas to there, or why it should have been sent there, instead of place both in the hands of the same person, he would to those whose duty it was to have such matters for pubhave it in his power to suppress the one or the other, at lication, it was not important for him to inquire. This his pleasure; and, therefore, to print and distribute them was on Saturday. The printers, then, were not to blame separate, to his mind, had the advantage as two to one: for not printing documents which they certainly had not and this is the more desirable, when we take into consid-time to publish. It did not even appear that the Globe, eration the fact, that, to publish the highest number pro- to whom they must have been sent two days previously, posed, (30,000,) will furnish to each member but 127 had been able to print these documents with the report. copies, and those to be distributed among 50,000 persons. They (the public printers) had, however, printed the Mr. L. said he had another objection to uniting the re-documents with the minority report; not with any design ports. To which would the appendix be affixed-the to act partially in the matter, but simply because they majority or the minority-to the report of the committee had been sent with the report, in their proper place, in of the House, or to the bank report? From what we the accustomed manner, and because they had been so have seen, the evidence would be affixed to the bank re-directed to print them. Would gentlemen, then, who port, and withheld from the other, by the printer of this were casting imputations, now say that they were to blame? House. For, said Mr. L., on examining those printed If they did, how did it happen that the appendix they and laid upon our table, that course has been adopted; deem so valuable was not published in the Globe? for what reason he knew not. He would therefore vote would not impute any design in withholding it; it was, against the motion to amend. however, somewhat strange, that those having the documents had not published them, and he feared did not intend to do so.

He

Mr. ELLSWORTH said that the suggestions of the honorable member from Massachusetts [Mr. BRIGGS] were such as would commend themselves to every gentle- Mr. E. went on to say that he was so desirous that man in the House; for he could hardly conceive that one men of all parties should examine into this question for member would be found who would not, from the con- themselves, that he looked with much anxiety to see whesiderations presented to them, be anxious to send out the ther the report of the minority, or the documents now views of both the committees on this important subject. the subject of complaint, were to make their appearance For himself, he would state that he was anxious to send in that paper (the Globe) which had already inserted that to his constituents the views contained in the report of of the majority. In this, however, he said his expectathe majority of the committee as well as those contained tions had been disappointed; and, from what was stated in that of the minority, being desirous that the people of in an editorial article in that paper, he presumed they the United States should have the subject presented to would not be published. Mr. Blair, he much feared, was them in every shape that it assumed. He agreed, there- not governed by the principles of the affectionate politifore, in supporting the amendment of the honorable cians of Indiana: he omits to publish even the whole of member from Massachusetts, conceiving that the reports the report of the majority; for he withholds the correought to go out together, and not supposing that there spondence between the committee of the House and the could be any dependance placed, or that it should be left committee of the bank, which is the whole matter of fact to depend on the contingency stated by the honorable in the case; he has not dared, hitherto, to present it to member from Indiana, [Mr. LANE,] that, if the reports the people, and never-no, never—will he suffer the rewere sent out separate, there would be an interchange of port of the minority to appear in his paper. He, or some them by the people to whom they should be sent. The other one, deserves notice, for what has been done even honorable gentleman is peculiarly happy in having such with that part of the report of the majority which he has constituents, as that when he sends a bank report to a published.

bank man, and an anti-bank report to an anti-bank man, Were such views, and such conduct, and such an exhe can feel assured they will be mutually interchanged. ample, however, now to be followed up? He would say, The reverse would be more likely to ensure the inter-no. Rather let there be one report, one document made change. If the reports are printed together, these neigh- of it, containing all that was presented on both sides of bors will be saved the trouble: and we shall know that, the question; for he would ever raise his voice in detestawhile we are appropriating the people's money to give tion of ex parte dissemination of public documents; and it them correct information, they will see both sides of the was with regret he must state that he heard such a course question, and judge for themselves. But his principal advocated. Under the circumstances, and the intelliobject in rising was to assure that honorable member that gence pervading this community, there could not, he he was entirely mistaken in supposing that, in the print- maintained, be any thing to be dreaded by those who had ing of the majority report, there was a just ground of a just cause, from sending out all the lights that could be complaint against the printers of the House. He had sent to the public. made some inquiries into this subject, and he believed Mr. BARRINGER rose to state, as the honorable memthat it would be ascertained they were not to blame. For, after the reports were ordered to be printed, on Thursday last, these gentlemen had made every effort to procure the report of the majority and other papers; applying for that purpose to the Clerk of the House, as the proper organ, in whose custody they ought to have been, when presented by the committee, until sent by him, in obedience to the order of the House, to them to be printed. But the report was not to be found with him, the Clerk declaring to the printers that he had not set his eyes or hands upon it since it was presented to the House;

ber from Indiana had thought proper to cast imputations upon the conduct of men whose character for strict impartiality, during the stormiest times of party conflict, was irreproachable, that he was casually present when these gentlemen had received, in answer to a note addressed by them to one of the members of the bank committee on this very subject, a note, in which they were expressly given to understand by that honorable member, that it was not the intention of the committee to publish the appendix in the shape in which it was sent to them. The copy, in fact, was set up by them, and

H. OF R.]

Bank Reports.

[MAY 27, 1834.

was then in type, but they were induced to make the in-lished without an appendix, while the appendix designed quiry of the honorable member from Pennsylvania, who for the minority report was attached to it. He went to was on the committee, in consequence of some doubt the office of the National Intelligencer for an explanation. arising as to whether the printing of the appendix was He there learned that the appendix to the majority recomprised in the order of the House. port had been omitted by mistake. It had now been properly arranged, and the House would, no doubt, have possession of it to-morrow. Mr. T. said he did not understand the motive for the introduction of this small matter into this debate by the gentleman from Connecticut, It could not certainly affect the merits of the grave questions which the House would soon be called to deliberate on. When they arose it would be time enough to enter on this discussion.

Mr. MUHLENBERG admitted that he had received a letter from Gales & Seaton, but he said that his reply had reference only to the printing of the journal of the proceedings of the committee, which it was not deemed by the committee expedient to print-not to the appendix. Mr. BARRINGER would not contend this point, as perhaps the fact was as stated by the gentleman. He was glad to be corrected if in error in any particular; but the main fact had occurred as he had stated.

Mr. E. EVERETT desired to make some explanation in defence of individuals, who, being absent, could not defend themselves from the charge of negligence in their duty as printers to the House.

Mr. THOMAS had endeavored, he said, to get the floor before this debate was indulged in, believing that he could satisfactorily explain this matter. As to the question whether the reports should be printed sepa- [Mr. THOMAS rose to disclaim having had any intention rately or united, he was perfectly indifferent how the of imputing a charge of neglect to the printers; at least, House decided it. He should feel very little confidence any charge that would leave them subject to reprehension in the conclusions of the majority of the committee, if by the House. Such was farthest from his intention.] he thought that the report of the minority was of a char- Mr. EVERETT said he did not suppose there was any inacter which could, in the slightest degree, shake or im- tention on the part of the honorable member from Marypair those conclusions. Not one fact stated by the ma- land to make a serious charge against the printers; but he jority was contradicted by the report of the minority. As would maintain that the printers had not, in the performto the inferences from these facts, there might be a dit-ance of the duties assigned them, been either guilty of ference of opinion. He apprehended no difficulty from negligence or inattention; neither had they committed any joining the two reports. It appeared to be supposed mistake in this matter. The committee had not deemed that, by uniting the documents, some little expense might it important to have the journal of the committee printed. be avoided. But it was not so. The appendix of the It had, however, been accidentally sent to the printing majority report would not suit that of the minority. It office with the report and the appendix, and as it had was differently arranged, and contained different selec- come to his knowledge, whilst at the printing office on tions from that prepared by the minority. Whether the business connected with his public duties, that they were reports were published together or separately, no ex-setting it up for publication, with the other papers, Mr. pense would be saved, even if that should be considered E. had stated to them, that the printing of it had not been an important object. Again, he was indifferent whether ordered by the House, according to the impression he had the reports were united or not; because, if any member on the subject. It was at his suggestion, that the informshould wish to send one without the other to a constituation referred to by the member from North Carolina ent, he would greatly lack in ingenuity if he could not [Mr. BARRINGER] was sought for by them, from the memcut the piece of twine which unites them, and then send ber from Pennsylvania, [Mr. MUHLENBERG.] The imthem separately. Of the propriety of separating or uniting pression of that honorable member, it appeared on inquithem, each member must judge for himself, and consult ry, was in accordance with his own. So the matter then the wishes of his constituents. Another matter was con- stood; and the printers, being anxious to do their duty, nected with this, which he was sorry to see brought into suspended the printing of the appendix until they could the debate by one of the gentlemen [Mr. ELLSWORTH] have this doubt decided in the most authentic form. who was his colleague on the committee.

By a subsequent order, as he (Mr. E.) supposed, they We are told that the public printer could not obtain were directed to have the journal printed; in conseaccess to the report of the majority. He had been ap-quence of which it was, in fact, now on the tables of plied to, as a member of the committee, for a copy of the the House. It then followed that, under the circumreport for publication in the Globe, in order that it might stances, the printers had, so far from meriting censure, be published immediately. Being himself inexperienced acted advisedly and correctly. The honorable member, in regard to the usage in such cases, he consulted others, however, had remarked that the appendix printed with who told him that it was proper and usual to give a copy the report of the minority was not such as would suit for publication. The documents, he knew, must soon the purposes of the majority. That might be, Mr. E. reach the public eye, and it did not appear to him that said. He could not suppose that, in so stating the case, any inconvenience could arise from granting the request. the honorable member intended to convey any thing that With the consent of the other four members of the com- was exceptionable. But he would state that the apmittee, who had assented to the majority report, he appendix to the minority report was considered an allplied to Mr. Burch, one of the clerks of this House, and important part of the history of the proceedings of the requested him to have a copy made out, under his direc-committee. It was not, as it had been termed, a mere tion, for the Globe, but asked him to have it done by one abstract from the journals; it consisted of a series of of the clerks in his office, and not to permit the original communications held by the committee with the bank, to be taken from under his control. Some of his col-and their answers, arranged in chronological order, and leagues, during his absence, had, it was said, informed printed, by the printers to the House, from manuscript the printers that the appendix was not considered a part copies sent by himself to them for that purpose. It was of the report. There was some mistake in this; with not printed, as stated, from manuscript severed frorn whom it originated he knew not. Most certainly his col-other documents, but was what he had himself caused league, [Mr. MANN,] who had, during Mr. T.'s absence, to be prepared especially for the appendix. Adverting undertaken to superintend the publication of the report, to the question whether the reports of the two commithad stated to the foreman in the office of the National tees should be printed together or separate, Mr. E. said Intelligencer, that the appendix was to be attached to the he had not supposed that any amendment was requisite report. On his return to Washington, on Monday, Mr. to procure the former course to be taken. Always conT. was surprised to find the report of the majority pub-ceiving that the views presented by the minority formed

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