published a pamphlet called The Moslem Verdict, which has been widely circulated through North Africa. Among other significant things this pamphlet says:

The deplorable state in which the Ottoman Empire finds herself today is really due to the unsound policy of the Young Turks, who have brought the empire to the verge of ruin. The internal unrest and poverty was enhanced by the Young Turks' casting in their lot with the Germans and staking the heritage of those glorious ancestors who built up the Turkish Empire. This indeed is a great crime. But how could Turkey avoid losing her honor and independence when Anwar Pasha is nothing but an instrument in the hands of Emperor William, blindly obeying his commands, while the entire Turkish army is under the control of German officers? Even the religious institutions are now in the hands of the Germans! This particular crime, committed by the Young Turks in broad daylight, has aroused indignant protest throughout the Moslem world. Moslems have unanimously condemned this shameful conduct, and have raised their voices in India, Persia, Arabia, Egypt, Tunis, Algiers, Morocco, Central Africa, and other Mohammedan countries, censuring those wretched persons who are precipitating their country into an abyss of sure destruction. Even Moslems in Turkey have striven to oppose them, for there are those in Turkey who are genuine Moslems, of noble sentiments and who have the real welfare of Islam at heart, notwithstanding the consternation and terror to which they have been subjected by Anwar Pasha and his confederates. Those true Moslems disapprove of this war which was kindled by Germany, and declare openly their friendliness to France, England and Russia. The Moslems in the French colonies in Africa have also availed themselves of this opportunity to express their sincere love and loyalty to France. Muftis, judges, sheikhs, and 'Ulema, well acquainted with the Mohammedan law and the precepts of true Islam, not to mention the chiefs, dignitaries and even petty farmers, have expressed what their hearts feel towards France. We may refer to the declarations coming from the great chiefs of the Sufi sects, and published as an appendix to H. M. the Sultan of Morocco's declaration and that of the Bey of Tunis. Such statements are indeed compatible with the Law; and if we add to them the numerous epistles coming from different quarters of the entire world, it would be clearly seen that by casting in Turkey's lot with that of Germany the Young Turks have committed an unpardonable sin against Islam and have excommunicated themselves from the brotherhood.

The El-Mogattam, a Moslem paper published in Cairo, had a significant signed article in its issue of February 16, 1915, upon "Moslem Independence." We make here a few quotations that show the tenor of the entire article:

Moslem as I am, I might likewise bemoan the lot of Islam, but my faith does not prevent my reason from ruling my emotions. Moslem independence has, thanks to Enver and Tala'at, become a mere shadow of a past reality! The fact is that Moslem independence was in no age nearer to annihilation than it is at this time, nor have the Ottoman Mohammedans ever suffered more crushing humiliation than they are now suffering because of Enver, Tala'at and Jamal. Lands lost, provinces wrenched away, honor at stake-catastrophes unparalleled in the days of Abdul Hamid! The consequence is that our enemies have become more covetous of our property and more bold to do us harm. How then could we express sympathy at this time for Enver and his friends?

How can Enver, Tala'at and Jamal rightly be called the defenders of Moslem independence while they throw themselves, and us with them, into the arms of the Germans who treat us as a man treats his goods and chattels. Nor do I understand how they can claim to be the real defenders of Mohammedan independence while the Germans are the absolute rulers of Turkey. These "defenders" are driving our children and brothers and cousins into the jaws of death, not to restore something that has been lost, but to enlarge the boundaries of the German Empire and hoist its flag over every fortress and citadel! Yes, how can they claim to be the defenders of this independence while, ever since they came into power, they have punished every one who has had the welfare of Islam at heart? How can they, while they are fighting against the Quran and the language of the Quran? Yea, what right have those braggarts to boast of the government of Enver and Tala'at and Jamal as being the real defense of Moslem freedom while the Ottoman Empire has, owing to them, fallen to the lowest depths of misery?

It is desired by some to have an independent Moslem state, free of all European control. Indeed, this is both legitimate and patriotic. But this requires first to purge the nation of all fanaticism and superstition, and to allow reason full control over passions. Moreover, active and energetic men are wanted who would work wisely and sincerely and with true moral courage to realise these golden dreams.

Through the divisions cast into Mohammedanism by this war, converts today know no central Mohammedan power, no recognized Caliph. The cherished hope of the ultimate triumph of Mohammedanism as the ruling religious and physical force in the world is rapidly disappearing. Belief in Mohammedanism as representing adequate strength for world government has lost its place, even in Mohammedan thinking. The boasted solidarity of Islam no longer exists. There is no possibility of a return even to the former sense of

THE JOURNAL OF RACE DEVELOPMENT, VOL. 7, No. 2, 1916

unity. The last great Moslem power, the Ottoman Empire, as the result of this European war, has already lost its national significance, and the Mohammedan world is casting about for a new Caliph. There is no evidence that such a leader who will be accepted by the entire Moslem world can be found. According to Moslem law the Caliph must be the ruler of an independent Mohammedan country, and today none such exists. By the agreement of the European powers, the Hejaz in Arabia, in which the holy places of Islam are located, may be set aside for Arabian self government and allowed for the time being to control these sacred shrines. There is no reason to believe that the Mohammedans of the rest of the world will recognize the ruler of that small territory as the universal Caliph. The breaking up of the unity and solidarity of Mohammedanism is of tremendous significance not only to the Mohammedan world but also to the entire Christian world.

JAPAN'S OCCUPATION OF SHANTUNG, CHINA

A QUESTION OF RIGHT

By Gilbert Reid, D.D., Director-in-Chief of the International Institute of China

If the Japanese government ultimately takes possession of all property which Germany acquired in Shantung, by treaty, by agreement, or by contract, and whether as a lease or as a concession, and if foreign powers enter no protest to such action on the part of Japan, I for one would urge the Chinese government to fight shy of making foreign loans, granting concessions for mines and railways, leasing ports, or assenting to settlement extensions, whoever the foreign power or powers to ask the favor or demand the right.

Suppose, for instance, that Americans or the American government, which plainly wants no more territory, should seek any of these political and commercial privileges. I would advise China to negative the proposition, that is, if Japan, in her new day of opportunity, actually claims possession of property owned by China but leased to Germany. "But why," it may be asked, "should China fear America? Are not all Americans altruistic?" But suppose they are, does that end the matter? By no means, at this present time, in this year of grace, 1916. Suppose that an American syndicate puts up $100,000,000 for a big mining concession, or takes over the Han Yeh Ping works at Hanyang in the centre of China, and with it various iron and coal mines. And then suppose that Japan goes to war with my defenseless country. According to precedent, through military necessity, the Japanese fleet would have perfect right to sail up the Yangtsze, and to occupy the works at Hanyang and despatch troops to the mines in Hupeh, Kiangse and Hunan; Japan would defeat the residue of Americans, and would impart the information that all this was no concern of China.

"Possession is nine points of law," is an old saying. A temporary occupation casts its shadow ahead.

Let me imagine a simpler illustration. I am by appointment Director-in-Chief of the International Institute of China. Suppose that some keen-minded men, talking business before the Shanghai Club Bar, light on the happy thought of ejecting me from my position in the Institute, owing to past misbehavior on my part. Mr. Smith of Manchester and his doughty son undertake to do the job. Coming out to the Institute, they find me taking my constitutional on the grounds. Father and son come marching in, and as they draw near, I am greeted,

"Get out of this place."

"Not till you knock me out," I reply, bravely enough, but rashly. Though I look as if I might put up a good fight, standing as I do good six feet and one, yet Sam. Smith weighs 220 odd pounds to my 132. His son even reaches 160. So with one blow, I am laid sprawling, and with a black eye and bleeding nose I am dragged out to the street, and handed over to an Annamite policeman, who is told: "Take him down in front of the club and duck him in the Whang-poo River."

And when I disappear beneath the waters, that is the last of me in the goodly town of Shanghai.

Meanwhile Smith and son enter the house, which through arrangement with the trustees I rent on the favorable terms of £1 a month. These two gentlemen strike terror into the Reid family, who escape out of the back door. The Chinese cook, who comes from Tsingtao, and thinks he cooks German fashion, is knocked out through the window. The new master goes to the telepone, and says: "Wife, is that you?"

"Yes, Samie, dear."

"Well, come around at once to our new house, and bring all the relatives, and don't forget the Japanese maid and the Sikh watchman."

No sooner said, than done. This accomplished, old man Smith goes over to the Institute, turns out all the men in my employ, puts in a better lot, and grabs for the checque