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MAY 8, 1830.]
[H. OF R.
General Government should be moved as far south as the , slave is worth but twelve and a half cents per day banks of the Potomac, (5th Marshall's Wasbington, p. 260.) whereas that of the free laborer of the manufacturing Our southern brethren will retain their part of the benefits States is worth at least fifty cents per day; and lastly, of the compromise ; our part is rapidly wearing away; and that there is a general and melancholy dilapidation of the national debt will now so soon be paid off, that the estates, and impoverishment of families, indicative of a inequality in the distribution of the payment of it, ought rapid decline. À word or two on each topic. not to enter into a general estimate of the distribution of When cotton was thirty cents per pound, land, labor, the permanent expenditure of the Government. Of the supplies, and every thing else, must have been propordaval expenditure, I will admit that, under some beads- tionably high. There is, therefore, not such a reduction those of navy-yards and construction--perhaps three-fourths in the real price as there would seem to be. Or, if cotton of the expenditures are north of the Potomac. But of the did sell for thirty cents, while it cost but eight to raise it, six pavy-yards, one is at Norfolk, and one at this place; this was a price so extravagant and unnatural, that it must and of the northern statibus, one, at least, is not the seat of inevitably lead to speculation, over-production, and disasgreat expenditure. The item of pay afloat, which is per- trous reaction. It could not last two seasons, and would baps one-fourth of the whole, I presume, is mostly expended carry in itself the germ of wide-spread ruin. abroad. Of the remaining three-fourths, it is possible that There bas no doubt been a decline of the real price, but two-thirds are expended porth of the Potomac; making it is exceedingly doubtful if the tariff has had any agency but one-half the whole.
in producing it. The gentleman from South Carolina did The residue of the expenditure of the Government is not ascribe the depression exclusively to the tariff
, but areither equally diffused, or takes place in greater propor- gued only that it added to the pre-existing distress. The tion to the South. The salaries of the Government offi- great evil bas been the uniformity, of pursuit in the cers, of all classes, are geographically distributed. The planting States, and the too rapid 'extension of this diplomatic expenditure takes place abroad, and the South culture, caused by the opening of the new lands. The receives her full share of its benefits. The heavy charge general effect of the state of the world has contributed to of fortifications preponderates at the South; here, too, the same end. The depression is universal. Labor bas the greater part of the expense of the army accrues. become less valuable by a change from war to peace, as The enormous and growing expenditure of our Indian was well stated by my colleague, [Mr. Davis) and relations is mostly at the South. Our whole military es- still more, perhaps, by the multiplication of labor-saving tablishment had its origin in the Indian relations of the machinery. country. I know the military defence of the country The labor of the slave, said the gentleman, is worth against any foe, savage or civilized, is an institution for twelve and a half oents a day, and that of the free lathe general good, wherever the expenditure is made; but borer fifty cents. Twelve and a balf cents a day, leaving the same may be said of the pary, and of the public debt. out Sundays and thirteen holidays, is thirty-six dollars å
In short, this subject, I think, is much misunderstood. I year. This, I am advised, is less than the annual hire of believe if one were to go through the appropriation bills, the slave. In other words, the labor of a slave is worth,
and trace to their ulterior destinations the entire expen- beyond the expense of keeping bim, more than thirty-six ditures of the Government, he would find them distri- dollars per year. This slave will cost his master pot more buted with great approach to equality throughout the than three hundred dollars. So that, what the gentleman Union.
calls very poor property, yields twelve per cent of this But the comparison between a Governmerit expendi- kind of property there is much more in the South, than ture in this country, and that of the British Government there is manufacturing property in the North ; and there is during their long war, wbich the gentleman rated quite very little manufacturing stock, wbich yields, in any quanwitbio bounds at one hundred millions of dollars uppually, tity, more than half the interest specified. But I know no entirely fails. Jo Great Britain, in consequence of the such contrast exists, to the advantage of the South, as credit enjoyed by the Government, a hundred millions of these facts would seem to show. The productive labor dollars were appually raised by loans, and thrown into there is charged with the support of a great deal of uncirculation; and as even the appual interest of the former productive labor. But the free citizen of the North, out loans was defrayed by new loans, there was no immediate of his fifty cents a day, bas also to support his children, charge upon the people, and the whole operation was an wbo are too young; and his parents, who are too old to addition for the time of so much to the national wealth. work; and the colder climate, higher standard of living But in this country, and in any country where the supplies among the laboring classes, and the necessity of bearing å of the year are raised by taxation within the year, a Go- part of the burdens of society, as free citizens, are all veroment expenditure is but taking from one pocket to charges upon the wages paid to the northern laborer. put into another. Every dollar expended among the peo The gentleman spoke, in strong and beautiful language, ple must first be taken from the people by taxation of the decay of five estates, and the desolation of the hogThere could therefore neither be advantage on the one pitable mansions of the last generation. These are stateside, por hardship on the other, until the gentleman could ments, not to be listened to with any other feelings than make out his case of unequal collection and unequal dis. those of sincere and respectful sympathy. The fame of tribution; io the attempt to do which, in my judgment, he the hospitality of the South is as wide-spread as our Union, has wbolly failed.
and as old as our bistory. I would be the last to wish that The gentleman from South Carolina painted, in very any of its honest and honorable sources should be dried strong colors, the distress of the planting States. I lis- up. But it is not the tariff which bas caused its decline. tened to his remarks on this topic with great interest. II might even suggest that the fact itself is perhaps overam not at all disposed to underrate their force; and, did stated. Where a conspicuous family mansion passes into I agree in the correctness of the views of the gentleman other hands, and a great estate vanishes, the melancholy on this subject, I could not take the course I do. But I fact strikes our notice, and produces a strong impression must thiok some of his facts mistaken, and this opinion of upon the community. But the successive rise of new the cause of the depression of the planting interests not fortunes is far less calculated to be observed.
I can less 80. Listening with great attention to collect the facts searcely suppose that none of those hospitable establishby which he illustrated the extent of the distress of the ments, wbich bave dropped into decay, have been sucplanting States, I could distinguish but these three: first, ceeded by others, which have risen into opulence. that cotton now sells for but ten cents per pound, whereas But grant the decline to be more general than I am apt it formerly sold for thirty ; secondly, that the labor of the to think, it is not the tariff law which has occasioned it.
H. OF R.]
MAY 8, 1830.
It is the statute of distributions, of which gentlemen must | to pay their State debts. But the difficulty about the railcomplain, if they wish estates to be kept together. Ever road is, that the public mind is not yet generally satisfied since I have heard any thing of the South, I have beard of its feasibility, and it was thought expedient to delay so this complaint; and considerably before the tariff law of large an expenditure till it could be voted by pretty gene 1816, that, whereas the nature of their property required ral consent. As to paying the debts, the question was, estates to exist in a pretty ample extent, they were con- whether there did not exist adequate funds without the stantly broken up by partition, to the ruin of ancient fami- tax. I do not mean that the people of Massachusetts have lies; and with these causes it was supposed that the cli- a passion to be taxed for the mere love of taxation; but
, mate, and a certaio generous profusion, springing from to the extent of paying their debts, my friend may believe Ivery amiable feelings, but not reconcilable with thrift, me, that they will tax themselves, when it is necessary, might have co-operated. But, be the cause what it will, with great readioess. And as for the railroad, if the Gé the effect is older than any tariff law except that of 1789; neral Government will pay us the debt she owes us for the and, for the truth of this proposition, I appeal to every services of our militia in the ware services as patriotic, as gentleman who hears me.
prompt, as efficient as those of the militia of any State in But the evil is not confined to the South. It exists no the Union-I will agree, for one, to subscribe it to any railtoriously in every other part of the country. The same road that shall be projected with a safe prospect of success
. decay of families is conspicuous in New England. In our Not tax ourselves for roads! Why, we do it in every town large cities, it is almost proverbial that the splendid man in the State, and every year; and so we do for schools sion of one generation is a boarding-house in the next. I The single town of Boston pays annually little short of two do not remember a family rich by inberited wealth for hundred thousand dollars for its schools, nearly half of it three generations. It is, as the gentleman describes it, by a public tax for its free schools ; nor is the rest of the sad to coutemplate, in the individual instance-sad that State proportionably behind the capital. This is our ecothe children should go seldom die beneath the roof of their vomy in expenditures for public institutions. fathers; that names endeared by liberality and benefactions But the gentleman (Mr. MoDUFFIE] tells us, we ought to one generation, should be forgotten, or remembered to protect our manufactures ourselves by State bounties
. only as objects of commiseration in the next. But we He forgets that this is impossible. How could we present consider the whole operation as the healthiest in the poli: the introduction of foreign fabrics into our State ? So long tical system, effecting a constant infusion of new, untainted as we had the power it was exercised. It was very libe blood. It is an operation by which merit, thriit, and in- rally exercised, as early as 1645, by the infant colony, and dustry get their share in the great prizes of life, which it was one of the last acts of the independent State of are no longer distributed by the lottery of birth. It is a Massachusetts under the confederation. The gentleman, republican distribution of estates, not effected by cut-throat perhaps, has not contemplated the colonial bistory of the agrarian laws, such as have been alluded to in this debate, industry of the couotry; a chapter to the full as instructive but by the gentle hand of nature, under the dictates of the as the colonial history of its politica. When he tells us kindest affections, sanctioned by a wise legislation. that the Southern States now stand in the same relation
The gentleman from South Carolina spoke in the harshest to the manufacturing States that the whole colonies did to terms which the language affords of the “monopolists" of Great Britain—that they have changed masters, but gained the manufacturing States. I cannot persuade myself that nothing by the change--that the existing laws are a buo! the gentleman would deliberately repeat himself half of dred times more oppressive to the South than the colonial wbat he uttered on this topic, in the order of the debate; system was to America, I must think that he recollects but if I wished him to give a description of those engaged in only that the staple products of the South were indeed manufactures, which would most effectually bring discredit liberally encouraged by the mother country, and bounties on his argument, rather than reproach on their cause, I awarded for their culture; while the iron mace of prohiwould desire him to represent as monopolists men who are bition lay on the industry of the North; our navigation sbut breakiog down with competition.
out from the world, beyond the Capes, and from the North We are told by southern gentlemen of the generous of Europe, and just permitted to range between the West South. One gentleman from South Carolina bad it the lodies and Cape Finisterre; and our manufactures subject“ too generous South.” This was not the language of the ed to restraints the most odions and tyrannical, making it mover of this amendment; [Mr. McDUFFIE] but even be, bigbly peval to carry a dozen hats from one colony to aoin reference to the vote on the Maysville road, somewhat other, and denying us the right to make a bobnail
. As significantly compared the liberality of the South with the soon as we were independent, we did turn to the industrieconomy (to which he paid a compliment, and I have no ous arts. Massachusetts immediately enacted her naviga doubt a sincere one) of the North. Sir, the South is gene: tion law; but it availed her nothing; and her tariff, but it rous; but as her generosity has permitted her, on this topic, bound nobody but herself, and merely threw ber markets to be very jealous of her own interests, I trust she will open to her neighbors. Wben we are tauntingly asked carry it so far as to forgive us for doing the same. The why we do not pursue this policy ourselves, it is not amiss South is generous, liberal, high-minded. I acknowledge to state that Massachusetts had, before the adoption of the it; I have seen it; I may be permitted to say, I have ex. federal constitution, her own tariff, in which some articles, perienced it. What New England is, I shall not say. I and that of cotton fabrics among the rest, paid higher du am a son of New England. My fathers for two centuries ties thaw any levied by the United States, till the law of have tilled her sacred soil, where they now rest; and all 1816. When the federal constitution was adopted, the that I have or hope, I owe to her noble institutions. Her States lost the power of protecting their own mapufaopraise is "fit theme for any tongue but mine."
tures; and Mr. Madison, in the earliest debates, gives this But the gentleman must not think we are generous only as a reason why the duties, under the Federal Government, with other people's money, as he appeared to intimate in should be laid so as to promote that end. his allusion to the subject of internal improvernent. We The gentleman from South Carolina made some remarks pay our own money, We have paid it from the settlement on capital, which I could not but think rather invidious, of the country; and if we are prompt to practise this les- and at war with the general liberality of his views Mode Bon abroad, we learned it at home.
rate, and even large private acoumulations of capital per Another gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. BARNform a very valuable office in the community. They fulWELL) commending the wisdom of the people of Massa- fil many of the beneficial ends of banking, without the ebusetts, said that they had such a dislike for taxation, that evils attending banks, and in a variety of cases to which they could not be got to subscribe for a railroad, por even banks candot reach. Capital cannot benefit its owner till
MAY 8, 1830.]
(H. Or R.
it has first benefited the community around him: and in that an association of men who will not quarrel with one this country capitalist is only another name for a clerk em- another, is a thing which never yet existed, from the greatployed by the active community to transact their money est confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a business, for small wages and do thanks.
vestry ; seeing that we must bave somebody to quarrel with, But, be this as it may, the gentleman from South Caro- I had rather keep our New England associates for that lina utterly misconceives our population, in the effect purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred to others. which he ascribes to capital over elections. If he will They are circumscribed within such narrow limits, and come and visit us, I will show bim a people, which the their population so full, that their numbers will ever be wealth of Attalus could not tempt-which the gold of the the minority; and they are marked, like the Jews, with Indus could not carry to an election. The gentleman bas such perversity of character, as to constitute, from that spoken of his district~he must allow me to speak of mine. circumstance, the natural division of our parties." I have the honor to represent the district containing very I make this reference with no unfriendly feeling to the large manufacturing places, Waltham and Lowell, where memory of Mr. Jeffereon; I would tread lightly over his more property is probably invested in manufactures than ashes. The expressions I bave quoted were uttered in
at any other place in the Union. The town of Lowell, high party times ; but they are a correct indication of the # especially, bas, within ten years, grown up from a few policy of which the North has been, and is, the victim.
farm-houses to a population of six thousand seven hundred The gentleman compared the relatiou of the planting to souls, provided with all the establishments and institutions, the manufacturing States with that of the colonies of Great the schools and churches, of an advanced community; a Britain before the revolution ; and went so far as to say population as moral, as intelligent, as substantial as any in that the former had now a bundred times more to comthe Union. It has grown up exclusively under the manu. plain of than the latter had then. What was the complaint facturing influence. Here, if anywhere, there has been of the colonies! That they were subject to the control of
a forcing process; and in such a district, if anywhere, the Government in which they were not represented, and 1 corrupting influence of capital must be seen. And now I whose laws consequently were not calculated for their javer, if, by any arts of 'misrepresentation, the suspicion benefit. But is not the South represented in the Govern
could be ipfused into the minds of the people of that dis- ment of the United States? Represented, did I say i Has trict, that their representative was under the influence of she not contrived, as soon as a political revolution could the moneyed capital invested in it, it would cost him bis seat. possibly be brought about, always to be in a majority ! That is no very strong expressiou. But there does not live Was it not that triumphant southern majority which called the man in New England-00, pot even he of whom she is this manufacturing systemin to existence? "The chairolan fondest and proudest, who could stand a day under such a of the Committee on Commerce, in his late report, states suspicion reasonably entertained.
the fact in the plainest terms, that the restrictive system I do not speak of bribery, neither did the gentleman which commenced in 1807, and of which the war was the from South Carolina ; but of the indirect, if you please, the last measure, laid the foundation of the manufacturing po hopest influence of capital. The truth is, the fact is the liey. Wbat says Mr. Jefferson again ! (letter to Mr. Leiother way. Our people are jealous and watchful of this per, 21st January, 1809 ;) “ I have lately inculcated the influence. They read for theinselves, tbiok for themselves, encouragement of manufactutes to the extent of our own vote for themselves. Ours is not the part of the country, consumption, at least in all articles of which we raise the where the slavish discipline of party, the fruit of all cor: raw materials. On this the federal papers and meetings rupt influences, exists. Hence our groundless internal bave sounded the alarm of Chinese policy, destruction of feuds; hence our ridiculous subdivisious of which the commerce, &c., that is to say, the iron, which we make, "generous South" ought not to complain, for she has al- must not be wrought here into ploughs, axes, hoes, &c., ways known how, and never better than at this moment, in order that the ship owner may have the profit of carry to turn them to very good account; in monopolizing the ing it to Europe, and bringing it back in "manufactured Government of the country.
form; as if, after manufacturing our own raw materials The gentleman from South Carolina spoke with no little for our own use, there would not be a surplus produce bitterness on the subject of majorities and minorities ; of sufficient to employ a due proportion of navigation in carthe oppression, the despotism, the tyranny implied in rying it to market, and exchanging it for those articles of adopting and pursuing a course of policy prejudicial to which we have not the raw material; yet this absurd hue the interests of a minority of the people. It is true the and cry has done much to federalize New England. Their gentleman is in a minority on this question, and perhaps doctrine goes to the sacrificing agriculture and manufacthis alone, of all the great questions on which parties are tures to commerce; to the calling all our people, from the Dow divided. I cannot but hope that he has spoken with interior country to the sea shore, to turn merchants ; and causeless severity, in reference to the present case; but to convert this great agricultural country into a city of we of New England, towards whom his remarks were in Amsterdam. But I trust the good sense of our couutry part directed, can well believe his sincerity, in deploring will see that its greatest prosperity depends on a due bathe bardships to which a minority must submit. If there lance between agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, is bitterness in that cup, we have drank it to the dregs. and not in this protuberant navigation, which has kept us in We have been in a minority on this and every other ques- hot water from the cominencement of our Government, tion; and I will show the gentleman, from a very high au- and is now engaging us in war.” thority, that our brethren of the South have not only made I beg leave to say, sir, that these are Mr. Jefferson's a substantial benefit out of our position, but have views on these subjects, not mive. I quote them to show
" Used us for their mirth, yea, for their laughter, the gentleman in what councils, and under whose auspices, When we were waspish.
the manufacturing system had its origin. New England In 1798, a letter was written by Colonel Taylor, of Ca- did remonstrate, murmur, protest against it. While writhroline, to Mr. Jefferson, on the subject of a secession, on ing under burdens almost too grievous to be borne, she the part of Virginia and North Carolina, from the Union. did utter ber complaints
, in a tone, patriotic as now echoed Mr. Jefferson opposes the project, and, among other reas by the South, but treasonable in her; a tone, that never has 8008, makes use of the following:
been and never will be forgiven her, and which has given ** If we reduce our Union to Virginia and North Caro- her brethren a pretext to set their foot upon ber neck, lina, immediately the conflict will be established between and press her beaming-forehead to the duse. And now the representatives of these two States, and they will end what is the consequenceBecause she will not sit stili
, by breaking into their
simple unita. Seeing, therefore, and see those establishments prostrated into whic her
H. or R.)
[MAY 8, 1830
capital was driven; because she is not willing that the laws prohibitory policy, recur to the examples of European na passed against her will, beneath wbich her manufactures tions, instead of adverting to those of their own country
, have grown up, should be swept abruptly away, sbe is which would be more appropriate and illustrative. To avaricious, inconsistent, a bungry, grasping monopolist; support my position, I shall appeal to our own history, as and the vocabulary of the language is tasked for terms of it has been represented to us, not by the enemies, but by opprobrium to heap on her. If the colonial system, which the friends of the American system. General Hamilton, led to the declaration of independence, bad been adopted in his celebrated report, in January, 1791, says: “ Manuby a parliamemt, in which the colonies were represented factures of cotton goods, not long since established in Beand had a majority ; if the stamp act had been the measure verly, in Massachusetts, and at Providence, in the State of of a cabinet, in which Patrick Henry had been Prime Min- Rhode Island, and conducted with a perseverance correister, John Adams, Lord Chancellor, Dr. Franklin, First sponding with the patriotic motives which began there, Lord of the Treasury, Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State seem to have overcome the first obstacles of success, profor Foreign Affairs, and Samuel Adams, King, (a8 Dr. ducing corduroys, velvets, fustians, jeans, and other simiJohnson thought Speaker Cushing wanted to be.) had this lar articles, of a quality which will bear a comparison with measure been forced on Old England by a triumphant co- the like articles brought from Manchester.
The ope at lonial majority, and then these colonies, on a change of Providence has the merit of being the first in introducing affairs, finding or fancying it injurious to theinselyes, bad into the United States the celebrated cotton mill, whieb clamored for its repeal, at the sacrifice of a vast capital in not only furnishes materials for that manufactory itself, but England, which had been invested under it, then the rela- for the supply of private families for household manufaction of the colonies to the mother country would have re- ture. Other manufactures of the same material, as regu sembled that of our southern brethren to the manufactur. lar businesses, have also been begun in different places in ing States, and would bave failed to engage the sympathies Connecticut, but all upon smaller scales than those above of the world.
mentioned. Some essays are also making in the printing Sir, I cannot approve the tone in which this amendment and staining of cotton goods. There are several establishbas been urged on us. If any good is to be done, it is by ments of this kind already on foot.” conciliation; and in that work I will begin as soon and go Mr. Tench Coxe, in his letter to Mr. Gallatin, when Se as far as any man. I will join in any bona fide attempt to cretary of the Treasury, says : “ The neighboring States of remove the burdens of the revenue laws, not inconsistent Massachusetts and Conuecticut quickly followed Rhode with interests to which the faith of the Government is Island ; and the tables which are annexed, imperfect as they ! pledged. I am willing to begin by my colleague's [Mr. unavoidably are, manifest the universality and magnitude GORHAM] proposition to grant & drawback of the whole of the cotton manufactures in 1790. If a very sober produty on cotton bagging, on every yard of that article, whe- dence shall estimate the value of the water-spun and steamther foreign or domestic, wrapped round the bale of cotton, spun cotton yarn at the price at which they can be importon exportation ; thereby relieving the southern planter ed, without profit
, from Europe, there will remain an op, from a burdeo which he regards as peculiarly onerous, and portunity for much lucrative business in extensive works." yet preserving to the western manufacturer the benefit of General Hamilton, in another part of his repott, states the duty. And I believe, if, instead of this tone of fierce that it is certain that several important branches of manudenunciation, a conciliating language were used, that every factures bave grown up and flourished with a rapidity thing might be effected, which the real interests of the which surprises, offering an encouraging assurance of sue country require. But the gentleman himself would be the cees in future attempts; of tbese, it may not be improper last to respect men who could be wrought upon by such to enumerate the most considerable. He then specities invective, against those whom they represente And while those of " leather, skins, iron, steel, wood and cabinet he tells us that the repeal of these laws would reduce our wares, fax, hemp, ardent spirits and malt liquors, bricks
, manufactures to ruin, it seems hardly necessary to say tiles, and pottery, writing and other kinds of paper, bats, that he cannot expect us to sit still
, and vote for his amend- shoes, refined sugar, soap, capdles, copper and brass wares, ment.
tin wares, great quantities of coarse cloths, coatings, Mr. MALLARY followed with a few remarks: after serges, flannels, &c. &c.” which,
A friend has this moment put into my hands the follow. Mr. DRAYTON said, it was not his purpose to sustain ing extract, which he made from a Connecticut newspaper: the observations which he should offer to the committee, “ Hartford, third of October, 1791.-Woollen manufactures by a long series of statistical calculations, or by elaborate - The quality of the cloths, more especially the coarser, is deductions from the principles of political economy. Be acknowledged, on all hands, to be superior to that of the ing under the impression that the public mind was under- English of the same fineness. They can be afforded as low going a change, that many of those who had been undoubt- as English cloths of the same fineness." ing proselytes of the “ American system,” began to per Mr.
Coxe, in a supplementary letter, thus speaks of our ceive its errors, and to feel its evils, it would be his object manufactures shortly anterior to the pop-intercourse and to exhibit to them its delusions in a plain and practical embargo laws. “The States of Rhode Island and Massa
In the prosecution of bis design, he should con- chusetts bave expelled all doubts about the practicability fine himself exclusively to endeavoring to establish the of the cotton operations. With the smallest territory in following propositions :
the United States, Rhode Island has already attained and First. That our manufactures flourished so long as those introduced into her vicinity a cotton branch of our mapewho were engaged in them were left to the free exercise factures, as valuable as the cotton branch of any country of their own exertions : and that they have invariably de- in Europe was at the time of the formation of our present clined under a restricted system, excepting wben their constitution. Heavy cotton goods cannot be imported prosperity was owing to the public calamity.
without a loss. It is a fact of great importance, that done Secondly. That the arguments relied upon by the advo- of the productions of the earth, whether of natural growth, cates of restricted industry, are fallacious, and their asser- or the fruits of cultivation, in the middle, northern, and tions contradicted by facts.
eastern States, which can be considered as raw materials, 1st. That our manufactures flourished, so long, &c., &c. are now exported, in an unmanufactured condition, to
It is a trite remark, [said Mr. D.) tbat, in our investiga- foreign markets. The manufacturers may be said to put tions, we often overlook what is immediately before us, chase and employ a quantity equal to the whole; for if small and speculate upon that wbich is remote. It is thus that parcels of raw materials have been lately exported, much the restrictionists, in their reasonings upon the effects of a greater quantities of fimilar soreign articles have been
MAY 8, 1830.)
[H. OF R. i introduced from abroad. The landed interest have no ac- , until the von-intercourse and embargo laws; that the detual foreign purchasers for its wool, flax, hemp, bides, and mand of the manufacturers“ had greatly surpassed the skins of domestic animals, and various metals. The mo- abilities of the planters, farmers, landholders, &c. to supmentous fact is therefore satisfactorily established, that the ply them with wool, flax, hemp, bides, and skins of domesAmerican manufacturers' demand has greatly surpassed tic animals." Although the duties had then been increasthe abilities of the planters, farmers, landbolders, &c.
, to ed, they were still moderate, and exclusively imposed for supply these five descriptions of materials. There is, at revenue. Here, it seems to me, terminated the solid prosthis time, no other redundant material than cotton.” Such perity of manufactures. The von-intercourse, the embarwas the situation of our manufactures, until the embargo go laws, and the war, gave to them unnatural stimulants. and non-intercourse laws. After their enactment, Mr. From these adventitious causes, their progress was so Coxe informs us, in the year 1914, that “it is found that rapid, that Mr. Niles exultingly exclaimed, in 1814, that our cotton wool has every where forced itself into manu- they could not be affected by an immediate peace; that facturing uses ; and there is no reason to doubt that the there was room enough for their fall, while they yet value of our manufactures, though much extended since might be as lucrative as man should desire." Notwith. 1810, very greatly exceeded, in that year, the highest value standing this confident prediction, as soon as peace was of the raw material heretofore exported in any annual pe- concluded, Mr. Niles, iu his Register, in 1815, held the riod.
This prosperity of the cottou manufactures was following language : "The free and unrestricted admiswithout the aid of the double duties, and with but little as- sion, at present allowed, into the United States, of cotton sistance from the labor-saving machinery. But when the fabrics of foreigp production, not only extinguishes the vast importance of mechanism, since introduced in lieu of hope of a reasonable profit, in future, from the manufaclaboring hands, is considered, in connexion with our power ture of similar goods at bome, but threatens the speedy to produce cotton, the diffusion and extent which the destruction of the establishments already created for that cotton manufactures must obtain, particularly in a state of purpose, and the loss of the immense capital invested in war and blockade, cannot be estiniated.”
them.” It would be inferred from these expressions, that, The foregoing is a representation of our manufactures, upon the return of peace, the duties were instantly reducup to the period and after the commencement of the late ed. The fact is, that the war, or double duties continued
Their condition, during the war, is thus described. until 1816. In that year protective duties were granted, by Mr. Niles, in his Register for January, 1814: “ There which were increased in i818, in 1824, and, again, in 1828.
now running in the neighborhood of Providence, The complaints of the manufacturers became louder after Rhode Island, no less than one hundred and twenty thou- every augmentation of the duties; and the gentleman from sand spindles; these spindles make one bundred and ten Massachusetts, [Mr. EVERETT) who represents one of the thousand pouods of yarn each week, and consume about greatest manufacturing districts in the Union, tells us, that six millions of pounds of cotton (or twenty thousand bags) but few of the manufacturers in it have escaped ruin; and per aboum. The value of the eloth made from this yarn that those who have been less unfortunate, are struggling is estimated at eight millions one hundred and forty tbou- with difficulties and embarrassments. sand dollars a year.” Mr. Niles adds: “We cannot fear It will be found, upon examination, that the distresses of that our manufactures of cotton, wool, &c. will be affect the manufacturers commenced with the era of protection ed should peace take place to-morrow, The preseut in 1816. We never heard of their distresses before ; we great profits may be reduced, but there is room enough bave never cease to heard of them since. The causes of for their fall, whilst they yet mạy be as lucrative as man these distresses are evident. High duties induce capitalshould desire."
ists, without any knowledge of the subject, to invest their From the extracts which I have made, it appears that funds in manufactures, as a lucrative speculation. Comour manufactures, in 1790, comprehended a variety of ar- panies are thus formed, consisting of presidents, secretaticles—that several important branches had grown up ries, directors, &c. The expenses incidental to these comwith a rapidity which was surprising;" among others, panies are so considerable, that even protection duties will
"great quantities of coarse cloths, coatings, serges, flan. vot enable them to sell their fabrics to a profit; and yet a Dels, &c." . According to Mr. Coxe, the tables which he the quantity they produce gluts the market, and injures
annexed to his letter, “ manifested the magnitude of the not only themselves, but the regular, practical manufac100 cotton manufacture in 1790." This was the condition of turers, who with competent skill and personal attention
our manufactures shortly after the adoption of the fede- and economy, might otherwise obtain a fair renumeration Tural constitution, when our moneyed capital was small, for their labor. still when our white population scarcely exceeded three mil Whilst we were fettering our trade with ouerous duties,
lions of persons—when our national debt amounted to fit- not only upon fabrics, but upon raw materials, Great BriGrande ty-four milliou one hundred and twenty-four thousand four tain, perceiving the evils of her anciert commercial code,
bundred and sixty-four dollars, and when the duties upon resolved to introduce a more enlarged and liberal policy,
imposts were low, those upon hemp being fifty four cents In spite of an opposition supported by numbers, and someone the hundred and twelve pounds; upon uumanufactured wealth, and influence, and prejudice, and cupidity, she sirop seven and a half per cent. ad valorem; and upon cot- repealed upwards of two hundred of her navigation laws,
ton and woollen goods fire per cent, ad valorem ; raw wool entered into equal commercial duties with most of the and a variety of other articles being exempt froin any du: European nations, and admitted various raw materials ties. Let it also be recollected that, at this time, the raw upon the payment of low duties. In 1825, she allowed material of cotton was imported, and that the British ex- the importation of one hundred and thirty-one articles,
clusive commercial code prevailed with unmitigated vigor, subject to duties from fifteen to thirty per cent., the * If, under these circumstances, our manufactures were greater part of which had previously, either been proi flourishing and increasing, to what other causes could hibited, or encumbered with imposts almost tantamount ve their prosperity be attributed, thau to moderate imposts, to prohibition. Mr. Huskisson declared, in the House
to free competition, and to the liberty which our citizens of Commons, in 1827, “ that he had had the good for gially enjoyed of prosecuting those branches of industry which tune to persuade the House, within a few years, to reapu were suited to their capitals, their skill, and the demands peal fifteen hundred restrictive and prohibitory statutes."
of the country, uotramelled by the interference of legis. Instead of taxation being increased by these commercial lators, who never did, and never can understand and direct relaxations, between the year 1815 and the present time, the interests of individuals as well as they can themselves. Great Britain bas abolished taxes to an amount exceeding We have seen that manufactures continued to advance thirty millions of pounds sterling. She has, by these