« ПретходнаНастави »
H. OF R.)
(May, 10 1830.
the same articles on which the duties are paid. That part forty per cent.: the penalty on them is the same as if the of the country in which two-thirds of the exports are pro. whole forty per cent. was to bim a profit; and it is attendduced, are not, por are they expected to be, engaged in ed with this aggravation, that they are deeply injured for manufactures.
no one's benefit. I think it must be admitted that all the goods imported This view of the case makes the burden on the South must, generally, be paid for by articles exported. And one-eighth less than the more able one of the gentleman if the North and West consume two-third of the goods im. from South Carolina (Mr. MoDUFFic] made it. That eighth ported into the United States, if they pay for them at all, is allowed in this estimate oply because the remainder jus they must pay for them with the exports of the South. tifies the loud, the peremptory call for relief, now rever
Here I will take occasion to remark, that the very able berating from every part of the planting couutry, except gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. GORHAM), sets forth, that in which sugar is produced. I say the admission is in the most clear mander, how he who furnishes what a only made for that cause ; for I do believe that the bread planter of cotton or tobacco needs, acquires the power and stuffs, cottoo, tobacco, slaves, lumber, &c., sold by the South right to consume part of the goods for which the tobacco to the tariff States, (for their own use,) will more than pay or cotton is exchanged in a foreigo market. There is no for every unprotected article purchased by the South of flaw in his reasoning, if the facts are as the argument sup. any of them, including every article (if such there be) poses. But that is the very binge on which this question which is (now) not affected by the protection: and I meso turns. lu the case supposed by me, the inhabitants of N in this stateméut to include freight and merchant's profit, entitled themselves to the moiety of the exports, or their paid to them on our foreign commerce. proceeds, produced in T. But the law gave them forty In drawing this conclusion, I bave no guide but my per cent. advantage in the exchange, so that T gave one opinions of the results of trade between the States, formed hundred and received sixty. How, then, do our northern from simple observation. and western brethren become' entitled to the proceeds of I believe that when the southern exports amount to one-half of the southern exports ? The answer is, by forty millions, and the import duties to twenty-four milthings they sell us, or that they sell to others. But the lious, the burden imposed ou the South by the laws laying statement shows that their exports are laid out in imports, those duties, is sixteen millions; but of nothing (not resting and balf the southeru exports are required to make up the on mathematical truth) am I more sure than that, from the deficiency in their means of paying for imports consumed. same amount of exports and impost duties, the South are One-half, then, of the exports produced by the South are burdened with fourteen millions---e burden from which purchased by the productious of northeru and western relief must and will be bad. labor. Do we pay them the average duty of forty per The sentiments I often hear expressed on this subject, cent. in this exchange ? This is a matter not susceptible " that no duties are paid on home manufactures, and that of that sort of proof which will make one who receives each individual contributes the same to the treasury, in the bounty admit it; but the payer sees it plain enough. proportion to his consumption of duty-paying articles," as I know, indeed, that, between the South and West, there au answer to the objection that our system of protecting bas been, and is, a trade in stock, which is not regulated duties bears unequally heavy on the non-manufacturing by law; in other words, we are not compelled by law to States or parts of the couutry, affects an ignorance of the give more than the market price to Kentucky for pork. I applicability to our situation of the view I have taken of know, too, that the sbip owner earns part of our exports, this subject, covering an insult to our understanding, gross and be, it is true, is as far from being a favorite with Con- as the system itself is oppressive and unjust. I did not gress us the southern planter. But the great mass of pro- and do not now, propose any particular reply to the arguductions received by the southern plauter is from the North ments on the other side: but one of them is so extraordiand East, upon almost every article of which the full pary, I shall not pass it by. amount of the duty is paid. Coarse cottons, I know, are Sugar, says the gentlemen from Rbode Island, [Mr. Bussold for less than the duty itself; but it does not follow GES) is the only article, the price of which is increased by that we do not pay forty per cent. even ou that article; it the tariff; and by the tariff on that article, the value of is now manufactured in England astonishingly low; and if southern property, or labor, is increased, or kept up the views gentlemen give us of that matter were founded on (which bere he sees is the same thing) to the amount of facts, they would at once reduce the duty to fifteen per many millions more than its owners have been injured by cent, which is enough to secure the manufacturer against the system. He did not condescend to tell us wby the the effect of English bankruptcy.
competition of the American producer of sugar with the But suppose the coarse cottons be sold to us at a fair foreign producer did not result, as he supposes the forced price. Ad estimate has been made, during this debate, of woollen manufactures in Rhode Island to bave resulted; the cotton purchased by the North, (greatly too large, I that is, actually in lowering the price of both the foreign suspect,) but the half of it, with the flour, tobacco, and and domestic article. In this market, this distinction is corn of the South, consumed by the North, will pay for founded, I suppose, on two facts; one, that sugar is a all the unprotected goods we get of them, threefold. southern production; and the other, that, unless the tariff With regard to our trade with the West, I doubt whether raises or keeps up the price of sugar, it is not conceivable the slaves annually sold to Louisiana, (which is also a tariff how it would affect the price of slaves. But how is the State,) added to the other things sold to the North for con- southern planter bettered by the price of the labor emsumption there, will not pay for every article we obtain of ployed by him being raised in the market, while the pro! the North and West
, which is not affected by the tariff, to duce of that labor is stationary, or lower, in price i So its full amount. But to this large amount add one-eighth far as the labor in question is designed for any use but of southern exports, and I know the sum will be sufficient, sale, the inference of benefit is directly the reverse of the and more than sufficient. How then would stand the ac- fact; and besides the manifest loss of an increased capital, count? Upon the supposition that the southern exports in producing the same interest, there is this other apparent any year amounted to forty millions of dollars, and the loss, that so much of the produce of this labor as is rested whole import amounted that year to twenty-four millions in sugar, produces less than it would do by forty per cent. of dollars, the burden on the South would be fourteen I do admit that when, by unjust burdens, the planter is millions of dollars; and this is so, whether the manufacturer broke, bis creditors get a better dividend, from the fact makes any thing by his trade or not; for Congress has that the New Orleans slave dealer can get a better price induced him to go into a business at which he can only from the sugar planter than can be paid by those cultiratsave himself
, although others are compelled to pay him lors who, of their sinking substance, are still compelled to
E MAY 10, 1830.]
[H. OF R.
protect those who are growing daily in wealth, and wal- / when the wages of labor will be low enough for merchanlowing in luxury. But what is said by the gentleman in dise generally to be manufactured here as low as they may regard to the price of sugar, is true in regard to every be imported, is one for which a good man ought not to article of home manufacture with which the demand is pray. It is too distant for our circumstances ; justice, parnot fully supplied ; and as to such articles as are manufac- tial justice, at least, must be sooner done; no reference, tured in Butlicient quantities to supply the demand, so even in thought, should be had to a severance of theso much of the duty is still paid, as the cost of production States. But the inequality of public burdens exists as I here, with the necessary profit to the manufacturer, ex- have slated it, if not in all the aggravation of the stateceeds the price at which the article might be imported. I ment, still enough, and more than enough, to justify the should not con over these commonplace matters here, affirmation that no Goveroment can maintain it, no people but, somehow or other, the truths they contain seem to ought to bear it. Like the gentleman from Massachube too bear and obvious to be allowed to have influence setts, (Mr. GORHAM] as I regard no threats, I make none; here, or even to exist. As to the idea that a protecting but if I see a course of legislation here wbich my constitariff, by increasing production, lesseus the price abroad, tuents cannot bear, I should be false to them if I did not and so does not raise the price here, I think the gentle say so. I say it, therefore, because I believe it; and I call man from Massachusetts who first addressed the commit-on New England in particular, and also on every tariff tee, [Mr. Davis) supposing that he could collect the idea State, to examine this subject dispassionately; the results of making a foreign country pay our revenue from some of the principles assumed, as well as the principles thempart of the argument of the gentleman from South Caro- selves, are undeniably true. The facts are believed. Into lipa, [Mr. McDUFFIE) sneeringly called it “a new discovery these facts, I beg that inquiry be made, and, if fairly made, in political ecouomy;" but if this votion be true, the dis- I am sure justice will be done. But relief, in some way covery has been practised ou fur ceoturies. I know that or other, must and will be bad. I conclude, sir, that the so long as the manufacturer gets more for his goods than amendment proposed ought to be adopted. That amendthe least living profit on bis capital, you may reduce the ment would leave the protection of manufactures up to price by iucreasing the quantity of goods ; but when you and above, the maximum of Alexander Hamilton. Ånd, conie below tbis, production must lessen, until the living while the routhern States would still be unequally and upprofit is again maile Causes independent of our tariff justly taxed, the actual amount would be, perhaps, a burwould have put, and did put European mavufacturing den which they can bear. I have said nothiug of the total capital down to this miuimum profit, and labor down to want of constitutional power to keep up this most oppresthe bare subsistence of the laboring classes. New inven- sive burden. Those who think they are unequally taxed, tions in machinery, modes of sustaining laborers for less, do also generally believe they are so burdened by unauand of applying their labor better, may still lessed prices; thorized power-a state of things to which I refer simply but your tariff laws have had, and can have, no effect but to weigh as it should. Of the entire accuracy of these to increase the price here in comparison with the price opinions, I have no doubt; but men of all parties bere elsewhere. On this subject, the gentleman from Massa- agree that Congress are not prevented by the constitution chusetts (Mr. GORHAM) gives us full information, and there from doing what they want to do in any case. is nu man, here or elsewhere, more capable of informiug ment, therefore, on that subject, would be useless. others. Nor do the different views we have taken of Mr. MARTINDALE said, he was very desirous of prethis and some other subjects, abate aught from the idea I senting his views to the committee on this momentous subhave formed of his possessing all the qualities befitting ject under consideration. He was she said] desirous of a representative of the cradle of American liberty. He doing so, not only because of its magnitude and sweeping tells us that if our present system of duties be repealed, character, but because he considered this the last tariff de
an axe vor a hoe, not a spade, shovel, or hammer, bate. A kiod of crisis was now presented; and the argument could be made at our shops: that not only would our work- being exhausted, or about to be exbausted, the alternative shops and mauufacturing establisbmeuts on the seaboard (suid Mr. M.] is pluced before us—either to submit to legitibe annihilated in a moment, but that British goods of eve- mate, constitutional legislation, or coerce a constitutional mary description would penetrate throughout the whole coun-jority by the superior physical or moral power of a minority. try, and be sold so low, that they could not be made by The honorable gentleman who moved the amendment our artists. Sir, this statement is undeniably true; and under consideration, has signified' his intention of closing with a knowledge of it, of the amount of duties now by this debate, and expressed a desire that wbatever can be Inw assessed ou imports, the quantity of the same articles urged against it, should be first submitted. I am anxious, manufactured and sold in the country, the amount of ex- (said Mr. M.] so far as the patience of the committee will ports and imports, and places which produce the exports, allow, to comply with bis request ; for, notwithstanding the * with a knowledge of the fact that these domestic manufac- wide range of this debate, and the great talent it has elicitturing establishments are not, and will not be in the south ed, all the aspects and relations of this subject have not
ern country, the monstrous injustice of saddling the South yet been examined. Indeed, it is beyond the grasp of any * with half the burden they bear io rearing up these manu- single speech, or the compass of any single debate. But, e factures appears so plain, that it proclaims aloud that re- in the hands of the gentleman from South Carolina, its lief must and will be had. This would be so, even were circumference bas been immensely enlarged. Here is a it true that the present list of protected goods would, in a new basis of argument, and new ground of reproach and reasonable time, need no protection.
complaint. He has described the South as the tributaries The direct benefit of the effect thus produced would be of the North, at the rate of ten millious apnually. The exclusively, even then, confined to the manufacturing dis- tariff takes the vast sum of ten millions annually, over and
tricts, and the indirect benefit to agriculture, out of all above their just proportion of the public burdens, from proportion, io faror of the same districts.
two millions of free men, and transfers it to ten millions of But this land of promise, this good to come, like human their more favored neighbors, who are represented as the bliss, recedes as you approach it, and it is still tomorrow. taskmasters of the South, and insatiable monopolists. To - More than double the time needed to make the whole sustain such extraordinary charges, it became pecessary southern couptry a waste has passed since the duties and to assume an entire new theory, and the gentleman has other charges bave brought many articles into advantage boldly advanced the political heresy, that exportation pays ous competition with the foreigii commodity; yet no arti- the duty on imports." In as much as cotton, rice, and tocle, which ever called for the protection of law, now sells bucao constitute two-thirds of all the exported produce *as low as it could be imported, but for the law. The day of the United States, the States producing these articles
H. OF R.]
(MAY 10, 1830.
pay, in that proportion, the entire revenue of the Union in the nature of things to reach the raw material, by duty The gentleman assumes what is manifestly absurd upou on the manufacture in any other way. This is self-evident, the face of it, and is, in terms, a direct contradiction of a and will no doubt be admitted. On the gentleman's theo truth almost self-evident, and of opinions universally re- ry, the value of the entire manufacture is first diminished ceived as true, and nniversally adopted in practice. Let by the duty. All its elements (for these combined are us consider it for a moment. The duty is, in fact, added the manufacture) must, of course, be diminished iu value after the purchase; and whatever be the price of purchase, in the same proportion in which they enter into its compothe duty, like the per centage of the retailer, is superadd. sition. These elements, besides the raw cotton, are the ed. As an undeniable matter of fact, then, the ultimate skill, labor, and subsistence of the artisan, and the use of purchaser, who is the consumer, pays in the purchase price the machinery and capital of the master. On an a ferage, the sum total of the original purchase price, and all sub- these constitute four-fifths of the value of cotton manufac sequent charges, whatever those charges are. The duty tures. Four.fifths of the fifteen millions, therefore, which is a subsequent charge. He, therefore, necessarily pays the gentleman charges upon cotton, should be charged that charge, unless it be thrown back upon the producer, upon the manufacturer and capitalist. For three millions, by some retrospective ex post facto principle, operating wbich the cotton and tobacco planter pays, the British upon future purchases. There is nothing voluntary or con- capitalist and manufacturer pay twelve millions into our ventional in this business. The operation cannot be effect- treasury. This is inevitable, or the gentleman's theory is ed by any arbitrary, predetermined act of the intermediate good for nothing. The gentleman's patriotism would manufacturer. An uncontrolable law of trade is, that the cheerfully acquiesce in the payment of three millions for supply of the market regulates the market price. There the sake of a tribute of twelve millions from England and must be some iutelligible process, by which the problem France; and the more especially, when he allows the procan be wrought out. It cannot be by disburdening con- portion of the national revenue, justly chargeable upon the sumption, for consumption is pot charged with the duty. cotton-growing States, to be about five millions. ' But, if The proposition of the gentleman throws the charge upon the gentleman's assumption be true, our duties upon the the producer, the effect of which would be to diminish manufactures which we do consume depreciate as much production and pot consumption. I am utterly unable to the value of those of the same kind which we do not concomprehend the modus operandi of this strange hypotbe- sume, as of those which we du consume. The loss is in sis. But let us examine some of the consequences which calculable to England as well as the cotton-growing States. must necessarily flow from the gentleman's doctrines. If Our duties, of something more than ten millions, upon it be true that the producer pays the tax upon consump- cottons, woollens, iron, and hemp, and their manufactures, tion, it follows, of course, that the consumer does not pay it is alleged, diminish the value of forty millions worth of it. And if this be true, we have been very upwise in re- raw produce by fifteen millions. This is effected by reducing the duty on tea and coffee. We shall not diminish ducing the vaiue, not only of the manufacture wrought of the price to the consumer. We have only alleviated the the raw produce just named, but also of woolleus, iron, burdeos we had imposed upon the Chinese, the Javanese, and hemp. and their various manufactures. The thirty and the West Indians. We bave thrown away ten millions of millions worth of cotton which we export produce one revenue, which we bad contrived to make the foreigo pro- hundred and fifty millions worth of manufactares. We ducer of these articles contribute to our treasury. But import, say ten millions worth of these, not more, on the gentleman's own recommendation contradicts this pe- which we impose duty: But that which is left for foreign cessary conclusion from bis present proposition. He bas consumption is affected just as much by our duty as that procured a reduction of the duties on tea and coffee, on which we import. The market price of the wbole is the plausible pretence of making them cheaper to the the same. So of all the other manufactures purchased consumer, whereas, according to his present reasoning, with our cotton, rice, and tobacco, or else we do not the reduction of the duty on teas and coffee will so in lighten the burdens upon cotton, rice, and tobacco, by recrease the consumption at home, and thereby raise the ducing the duty on woollens, iron and hemp. The mans demand abroad, as to augment the price abroad equiva- of these manufactures and materials, from which we sup lent to the reduction of the duty at home.
ply our imports, it is impossible to estimate; but if the But how can the producer of one ingredient of the fa- woollen manufactures of this country amount to seventy milbric be separated from the producer of another element lions of dollars annually, according to pumerous estimates, of the same fabric? If the producer of the cotton, for those of England, Holland, and France cannot be less than instance, pay any portion of the duty imposed upon the four hundred millions, the price of all which we have remanufacture, does he pay all that duty, or only that por- duced by our duty in the proportion of fifteen to forty, tion equivalent to the proportion of the value of the cot that is
, by an imposition of a duty of ten millions, we have ton to the value of the fabric? How does the manufac-annihilated a value of at least two hundred and twentyturer escape his portion of the tax It is inconceivable. five millions. Indeed, this amount, extravagant as it may The gentleman's ingenuity will be taxed more severely appear, is far below the actual loss, vu the assumption of than he has represented his constituents to be, to devise the honorable gentleman. This estimate excludes entirely & scheme by which be can exonerate the manufacturer from the account, iron, bemp, flax, and their manufacturea. from contributing, at least, bis proportion to the payment But if a duty on cotton goods diminishes the value of toof the duty on the manufacture. Is it not so? Let it be bacco Dearly forty per cent, it is impossible to estimate its remembered that the gentleman's proposition exonerates influence upon the value of Saxon sheep in Germany, a the consumer from the payment of the duty, because he Young Hyson tea in China. The extravagance of the geacharges it upon the producer. The duty, therefore, does tleman's theory is its own refutation. pot raise the price of the manufacture to the consumer, But how can the duty on woollens and iron depress the for, if it did, he would necessarily pay the duty. It di- price of cotton ? By diminishing their price! This would minishes the price, therefore, in the hands of the producer, be favorable to the consumer, and, sú far as cheapuess or the producer does not pay it. But it is the manufac- could produce such a result, would encourage consumpture upon which the duty is imposed. It is the manufac- tion. But a more extensive consumption of woollens ture, therefore, the price of which is diminished, or else would not increase the consumption of cotton, or in any the addition of the duty vould raise the price, and the encourage its production. But does the duty on iros consumer would pay it. You must, of necessity, dimi- and woollens enhance their price! Then the consumer nish the price of the manufacture before you can affect pays the duty, and the producer does not, and then colthe price of the raw material, It is utterly impossible ton is not charged with the duty on woollens and iron,
MAY 10, 1830.)
(H. OF R.
and the geotleman's proposition is erroneous. Indeed, it, we should continue to buy and manufacture their cotton
is a notorious and very strong fact, that the comparative according to the present course of trade, and nortbern | deargess of woollens, notwithstanding their present ruin. capital and northern ships would still continue to purchase
ous depression, has been the cause of substituting, very and export the cotton, rice, and tobacco of the South. The extensively, too, cotton manufactures for woollens; and intercourse between the North and the South is free dow; this, more than any thing else, accounts for the rapid in- and so far as the export of cotton and tobacco is concerned,
crease of the consumption of cotton from less than one it is perfectly free between England and the South; and | hundred millions of pounds to three hundred millions of yet northern ships transport all
, or nearly all, the cotton of pounds in ten years. If the duty on woollens has dimi- the South. This condition of trade would continue if the
bished the consumption of woollens, it certainly has not tariff should be repealed. It would continue if the cotton| diminished the consumption of cotton, and its repeal growing Stutes should secede. They are not commercial
could by no possibility increase the consumption of cotton. States. They have neither ships por seamen, nor can they
But when did cotton, rice, and tobacco begin to pay the have. The northern States would continue to buy foreign | imposts on woollens, iron, bemp, flax, and silk ? Before manufactures with southern cotton, so long as they importi or since the tariffs of 1824 and 1828 1 It is manifest that ed foreign manufactures; and as long as they imposed
if they pay the duties now in the proportion they bear duties thereon, the southern cotton would pay them, if it | to our other exports, they paid them before in the same pays them now. A little attention to this subject will make i proportion, and will continue to pay them in that propor- it perfectly clear that the change in the political relations
tion, even should these tariffs be repealed. The rate of of the States would not in the least vary their commercial duty, and the proportion which these raw products bear relations, provided the same freedom of intercourse was al
to the aggregate of our exports, cannot change their na- lowed as is now enjoyed. It would not transfer from the į ture, vor alter the relation in which they stand to import- North their capital, their ships, por their commercial ina
ed manufactures. The repeal of these tariffs, therefore, ride, and certainly not their manufactures. How, then, would only so far alleviate these oppressed productions as would it influence the course of trade? It would relieve it diinished the revenue, and would, in no degree, distri- the South from the burden of the duties on manufactures; bute the burden complained of, only in so far as it mul- but for this alleviation, they would be compelled to substitiplied and distributed the various exports with which tute an imposition of a more onerous and intolerable chathose manufactures are purchased. But it is not contem- racter, upon cotton, or upon that which produces it. They plated, and, I presume, not desired by the honorable gen. would not alleviate the burden. They would only change tleman, to substitute flour, and beef, and pork, for cotton, its position from manufactures to cotton, and its character in the foreigo market, in the purchase of our manufac- from a voluntary to a compulsory tax. They would not tures. But, unless this substitution were effected, the re- think of dispensing with a Government and its concomitants. peal of the tariff would not alleviate the unequal bur. They must have a pavy, an army, and fortifications; and dens of the South, nor transfer their due proportion to they would soon find themselves in the enjoyment of all the North. Cotton must still pay the duties so long as the blessings of a national debt, and all the embarrassments it continues to be the medium of exchange for English of paying the interest and redeeming the principal. The and French manufactures. Neither is an essential dimi- conclusion of the whole matter would be, that the price of bution of revenue anticipated from this proposition, should their cotton would not only be diminished, but the quantity it be adopted, but a greatly increased consumption of cot- also ; and the wealth and population of South Carolina too. How this can be accomplished, without diminishing would be transferred to the Texas, or the cape fields of the price to the consumer, is to me incomprehensible. If Louisiana. But let us view this subject in a different aspect. goods do not become cheaper by taking off the duty, I suppose the dissolution of our political relations should canuot conceive why he should be induced to buy and produce ap alienation of friendship, and a suspension of
But if the diminution of duty is a dimi- intercourse. The South would probibit the manufactures bution of price to the consumer, then the consumer pays of the North, and the North the cottop of the South, both the duty in just so far as the price is enhanced by the in the bale from Savannah and Charleston, and in the box duty, and then the producer does not pay it, for both can from England and France. The South would lose the not pay the same duty. The gentleman's own proposition market, not only for the two hundred thousand bales now denies the applicability of his remedy. His proposition is manufactured at the North, but of nearly half that amount false, or his remedy is inefficient. They cannot cobere. It now manufactured in England and France, and reimported remains certain, however, that cotton would still pay the and consumed at the North. The North would find their duty, whatever it might be, and of course the revenue, and cotton in Louisiana (for Louisiana is a tariff State) in precisely in proportion to the amount of its exportation. Texas, io Mexico, in Brazil, in Egypt, in Liberia, in the
On this hypothesis, the case of the southera States is whole belt of the earth, seventy degrees broad, extending utterly hopele ss and incurable. They must secede from at least thirty-five degrees each side of the equator. “ New the Union. It is a desperate remedy; and even that, I will England, and her associates in this system of tyranny and endeavor to sbow, could iu no degree administer the relief oppression,” would then make these vast sections of the bought for. Suppose # thorough conviction of permanent earth her “ tributaries," instead of Georgia and South Cairreconcilable interests should produce a dissolution of the rolina, in so far as their cotton furnished the medium of exUnion, and the cotton-growing States are erected into a change for any commodities on which she could im pose duseparate Government new United States of America ties for revenue or protection. What, then, would be the (if a union could be accomplished anong so many absolute price of South Carolina cotton, with the loss of a market sovereigaties.) What then? Why, they would continue for at least one-half of her present crop. The disastrous to grow cotton as now, and eschew all manufactures, and consequences are sufficiently manifest, and certainly inevi. throw open their ports to all the world, and establish ad table." Then, indeed, would despair, desolation, and ruin unlimited freedom of trade, (as the most valuable freedom,) sweep through the land, and leave but a blighted, barren, and supply their treasury by an income tax, or, what would and trackless waste behind. It is not necessary to deepen amount to the same thing, a direct tax og slaves and real the shades of this picture with the horrors of a civil or serestate. The northern tariff States would pursue their pre- vile war, to render it terrific, and to arrest our progress to sent policy, and cherish and protect their manufactures, as an exhibition of the reality. But the course indicated by the the best means of promoting their agriculture and com- present temper, and new doctrines of South Carolina, leads merce. If placed on an equal footing with the most favor-directly to this black abyss. If the State of South Carolina ed nations in our intercourse with the Southern Republic, pullifies the tariff, the Union is ipso facto dissolved, or is
H. OF R.)
(May 10, 1830
Preserved only by enforcing the tariff
, and executing upon | hyperbole, but, if it be, the honorable gentleman has furthe State the laws of the Union. If the Union be dissolved, pished some precedents of that sort ; but we might as well still the mischief is not cured, but aggravated. No remedy import the soil of Sweden and Russia to manure our wbeat is applied, but numberless and intolerable evils are engen- fields, as to import their iron to construct the ploughs that dered to be perpetuated forever. Now, let us look at till them. According to the cost of production, it is prothe other side of this question. You ask us to repeal the bably somewbat dearer than our wbeat; but increased comtariff
. We cannot do it. You complain that the tariff is petition is rapidly increasing the production, and the ineintolerable to you. Its repeal would be inevitable destruc- quality will speedily be removed. One thing may be contion to us. To us it is a proposition of self-immolation. You sidered as fically and irrevocably settled; it will never be must destroy our woollen, cotton, iron, hemp, and salt ma- abandoned; the protection will never be withdrawn. This nufactures, or you accomplish nothing. Your object is, may be and should be considered the irrevocable, unchangeyou avow it, to reduce us to the necessity of buying of Eng- able policy of the tariff States. There can be no doubt io land and France, with your cotton, all that we now produce this matter, for this good, substantial, and very satisfactory, or manufacture of these articles, to enbance the price of reason; the policy is founded upon a clear perception and cotton, and to enable you to sell more. This is your pro a full and perfect understanding of the great, permanent, position. This is what you intend to accomplish. It is and unchangeable interests of all that portion of the Union what you must accomplish; or, however much you may in whose productions come in competition with foreign projure us, you derive no advantage yourselves. There are ductions which we are in the habit of importing. Mary; two sides to this subject. It may be well to look at the land, and Virginia, and Kentucky, Louisiana, Alabama, and magnitude of the interests which you propose to sacrifice, Florida, are bound in perpetual alliance with the tariff and which you must sacrifice, to build up your own. The States, and committed, by their strongest and dearest inwoollen manufactures of the United State shave been esti terests, to the protecting policy forever. mated at the annual value of seventy millions. This, of I have never allowed myself to contemplate the dissolaitself, is more than double the whole cotton-growing inte. tion of the Union as possible. But if the gentleman's rest of the Union. The manufacture of cotton is the next views of the interests of the cotton-growing States be cormost important interest, and may be safely put down at rect, it is not only possible but inevitable. It should not thirty millions annually, fully equal in value to our foreign only not be opposed and prevented, but it should be im. trade in cotton. Our iron, hemp, and salt manufactures mediately negotiated and amicably adjusted. I will not be cannot be less than thirty millions more of annual produc chargeable with wrong and oppression, and tyranvy, and tion. Here, then, is an annual production of at least one plunder, and rubbery toward any portion of the buman hundred and thirty millions, which you propose to annihi- family, much less toward any of my countrymen and felJate or greatly to diminish. This, it should be remember. low citizens. For myself and my coustituents, and in beed, is an annual production, and like so much interest is balf of the State which, in part, I represent. I repel the the measure of the capital employed in this production. charge of the base intent imputed by the gentleman from Three-fourths of this amount are raw material and subsist- South Carolina. We have not knowingly and desiguedly, ence, and the wages of labor. One-balf, at least, is agri- inflicted an injury upon South Carolina. Our constituents cultural produce, forming the elements of manufactures. bave demanded no such sacrifice of honor and principle Here, then, is a permanent and perpetually increasing at our hands., Make good the charge, prove the injury, market for more than sixty millions' worth of mere agricul and they will consent to the secession to-morrow; but they tural produce involved in the preservation of these manu-canpot and will not allow the repeal of the tariff. The factures. This, we know, is of infinitely more value than Union is dear to them; it is consecrated by every feeliug all our foreign commerce, in the productions of the northern of patriotism; it is iucorporated in every affection of and western States.
their nature, and interwoven with every sympathy of the This interest cappot be abandoned. It must be protect heart. The memory of their fathers reminds them pered. It is of vital importance to the whole Union--to us it petually of the Union : but they cannot, and will not, endure is indispensable. Every laborer, every mechanic, every the charge of injustice, oppression, tyranny, robbery, plun. farmer knows this. He knows that if manufactures can. der. Go, in the name of God-go in peace if there be not be sustained, be cannot find employment; if manufac. the least semblance of truth in the charge. But there is tures are not sustained, he cannot find a market for bis wool, not. It is the merest fiction of a heated imagination, a pernor for his surplus provisions; and if he cannot sell them, fect delirium of passion, a sublimated delusion of refined, neither will be produce them. We know that the repeal ingenious ends, contradicted by the experience of erery of the tariff would sacrifice this market, and that it would age and every nation, and the evidence of every fact. Is be immediately seized upon by the French and English, South Carolina oppressed! I deny it. Before this nation without benefiting our southern neighbors. This we know, and the world, I protest it is not true. Where is the proof! and we cannot permit it to be done. The South caunot, It has not been exhibited. It does not exist ; it is not in nain justice, ask that. it should be done. They boast of the ture. In what does it consist? In the cheapness of cotton ! bounties of Providence they enjoy, the rich staple of cot. The tariff has not reduced the price, but bas contributed ton in which we cannot participate. But we, too, have to keep it up. The price is controlled by a law. beyond our blessings; we, too, have our rich staples, of at least the reach of congressional legislation. It is the unchangeequivalent value. Our climate and soil are adapted to the able law of trade; the relation between supply and de culture of the finest wool, far superior in value to the cot. mand. The South have overstocked the markets of the ton of the South. A market for it is as important to us as world, and the price bas fallen in exact proportion to the is a market for cotton to the South. This market must be excess of supply. The proof to this point is abundant. furnished by manufacturing it here. It would be as absurd One fact alone is conclusive. More than half the aboual for us to import wool or woollen manufactures, as it would crop remains on band in the English market at the close be for the South to import the cotton of Brazil instead of of every season. In the whole mass of commercial comproducing it themselves. The same inay be said of all the modities, there is not a parallel to this excess of supply, elements of this manufacture ; they are superabundant, and and consequent excess of cheapness. Would the repeal ruinously cheap; and here we are importing the wheat, the of the tariff remedy this ? No: it would increase the misbeef, the pork, the vegetables of England, when ours are chief. The consumption of cotton would be less; for the perishing on our bands. Our minerals
, too, are inexbaust- means of purchase in the northern States would be greatly ible, and the means of converting them into iron, and ma- diminished. Is there any want of cotton in England i No; nufacturing them to our use, are at band. It may seem an there is too much there. Any want of cotton manufac